15M movement

Este texto es una pequeña reflexión sobre la evolución de algunos de los movimientos sociales o actores políticos que han demandado y promovido procesos de democratización en España en la última década, identificando tres experiencias fundamentales: el movimiento estudiantil anti Bolonia, el movimiento ciudadano 15M y el joven partido político Podemos. Consideramos que se puede construir un hilo conductor a lo largo de estas tres experiencias, que no es otra cosa que un proceso de hegemonía política (Errejón, 2012), que ha acabado dinamitando el panorama político español tal como lo conocíamos desde la instauración de su democracia.

Desde la caída de las torres gemelas en el año 2001 y las subsiguientes políticas internacionales de ocupación y mediatización de los acuerdos y enfrentamientos gubernamentales, parece haber sucedido un cambio a la hora de debatir de manera pública quién y cómo plantear los lugares de disidencia. Activismos contemporáneos como la Primavera Árabe, el movimiento 15M o el Occupy Movement cuyo foco más visible ha sido el de Nueva York (Occupy Wall Street), han propuesto otras maneras de experimentación política, acompañadas por la presencia en Internet y otras herramientas digitales, así como por métodos conocidos, ya sea la prensa gráfica o las asambleas (Molina, Patricia y Masip, Adrián, 2012). Pero ¿cómo se articula el sujeto activista hoy día?, ¿de qué manera puede desafiar las estructuras visuales e identitarias en un contexto global?, ¿es posible ser representado y representarse de manera diferente a como lo ha sido hasta ahora?, ¿qué estéticas pueden resultar de los nuevos acontecimientos internacionales? Tal vez una de las bases fundamentales y más desafiantes de todos estos sucesos pueda situarse en la puesta en valor de un componente habitualmente dejado de lado en los análisis DADME UNA PANCARTA Y MOVERÉ EL MUNDO Laboratorios emocionales y nuevas estrategias de representación en el sujeto activista tras el 15M

The purpose of this profile is to address the Spanish 15M movement from a gender
perspective, focusing, on the one hand, on the role played by feminist demands within it and, on the
other, on how feminism may have contributed to the 15M, its internal debate and its further
developments unfolding in the current Spanish political context. In order to do that, we first
explore how feminist demands were initially received in the camps and the reactions they raised
among the media and citizenship. Second, we tackle how this case of overlap between a larger
group and feminist groups is different from previous collaborations and confrontations. Finally, we
focus on how the 15M movement has transformed (or not) as a result of feminism and the
implications of this process towards rethinking the role of feminism within contemporary Spanish
politics.

The authors present a research based in Spain and carried out between 2011 and 2014 on the social organizations and affective processes involved in social movements. Using extracts from narrative interviews, they explore how participants in social protests cross attachment and technology in order to develop trusting relationships. The way they propose to analyse the issue of trust in social organizations is to examine the discursive construction of the links between the attachment of actors and the use of different technologies. The narrative was recorded in an event that was organised in the city of Madrid in 2014. The analysis is organised in three parts. The first step is to introduce the first approach to constructing the horizontal infrastructure. In the second step, the authors show how good practice stimulates social organizations to create the perfect environment to distribute trust. In the last step, they present technology and society zigzagging together to achieve a common purpose. They consider technology as a marker of the emergence of new forms of cooperation and innovation constructed by shared trust among the actors involved in social organizations. They introduce a specific device, where expert knowledge contributes to the very definition and shaping of the trust within social organizations.

In this article, I compare the origins and early development of the Occupy movement with that of the Spanish 15M, the Indignados or ‘outraged,’ movement. How movements are integrated into longer-lived global networks has been insufficiently studied. The ‘hyperlink’ can serve as a material representation of more durable affiliations between entities with a shared collective identity, in this case activist websites, reflecting underlying network structures. Combining qualitative analysis of movement identities and narratives with analysis of hyperlinking patterns provides a more holistic understanding of the interrelations between the 15M and Occupy movements. I argue that similarities in the structural hyperlinked network properties of the 15M and Occupy movements, and their transnational interlinkages can be explained in part by commonalities in the two movements’ collective identities and dominant narratives.

Although networked movements have often been described as leaderless, I propose that they not only display different kinds of leadership phenomena but, when understood in their own terms, also function in a similar way to the " societies against the state " described by Pierre Clastres: as systems whose functioning controls leadership, power, and (formal) organization by maintaining them in a fragile state. Whereas primitive societies aim to prevent change, however, networked movements exist in shifting conjunctures in which they must intervene and thus are under the imperative to act. The distributed leadership that characterizes them at once inhibits the autonomization of leadership and presupposes its emergence as a condition for action. Rather than choosing between centralized leadership and total leaderlessness, therefore, networked movements must balance two demands (controlling and eliciting leadership) in tension with one another—inhabiting a non-disjunctive space that I describe as " between Clastres and Machiavelli. "

Debate over consumer trust in traditional media has intensified due to the appearance of networked social movements, particularly considering media coverage of the protests, the emergence of alternative media and social media as information sources. A survey was created for this study to provide insight into the association between media exposure, trust and political participation in networked social movements, specifically among 15M Movement activists. Data is presented to show to what extent to 15M activists view traditional and alternative media as trustworthy. The article also looks at the causes of
trust and mistrust in those media.

Results indicate that politically-interested online users placed more trust in information disseminated by alternative media than by conventional media. Furthermore, exposure to social media is associated with trust in media, while age and gender are not. This means that the increased use of alternative and social media involves a decreased trust in information provided by traditional media. Instead, those who do not use social media and those who use traditional media are those who trusted mass media the most.

Over recent decades, the consolidation of the Internet as an important source of information (Pew Research Center, 2011) has caused a change in the information-seeking behaviour of the population in general and of young people in particular. Nowadays, young people consult traditional media less often, especially in their analogue format. As a result, getting informed has become a social event which is also transmedia and decentralized. The information is spread through multiple platforms, overflowing conventional media (Williams
and Delli Carpini, 2011). These new trends imply that work within traditional newsrooms is being challenged and questioned by a whole new era of citizen-journalists (Compton and Benedetti, 2010) and this contributes to the appearance of new actors on the information stage. Among these are the various nodes of the networked social movements (Castells, 2012) that have originated since 2009 such as Occupy in the United States, the uprisings in the Middle East and North African countries or the 15M Movement in Spain, among others. These movements are characterized by the occupation of public space and the use of social media to disseminate political information and to mobilize citizens.

This paper weaves together two recurring themes in philosophical and political debates of recent years: the idea, loosely inspired by Walter Benjamin, that describes melancholia as a dominant structure of feeling and desire among the left; and the suggestion that we are currently witnessing a revival of debates on the question of organisation. My argument identifies not one but two left-wing melancholias, the specular relation between which precludes the work of mourning and deprives us of the conditions for thinking organisation concretely. I follows that a real return to the question of organisation can only take place if we escape this melancholic mechanism; I propose that the very idea of organisation might offer us theoretical resources with which to do so. We come to love our left passions and reasons, our analyses and convictions, more than we love the existing world that we presumably seek to alter with these terms or the future that would be aligned with them. … What emerges is a Left that operates without either a deep and radical critique of the status quo or a compelling alternative to the existing order of things. But perhaps even more troubling, it is a Left that has become more attached to its impossibility than its potential fruitfulness, a Left that is most at home dwelling not in hopefulness but in its own marginality and failure, a Left that is caught in a structure of melancholic attachment to a certain strain of its own dead past, whose spirit is ghostly, whose structure of desire is backward looking and punishing. Wendy Brown The test of a first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold two opposed ideas in mind at the same time and still retain the ability to function.

Series: Hispanic Urban Studies Serves as the first book-length publication dedicated exclusively to Spanish dystopias Examines sociocultural issues within a literary context including consumerism, immigration, financial crises, precarity, and political resistance Focuses on spatial compositions within discussed works This study examines contemporary Spanish dystopian literature and films (in)directly related to the 2008 financial crisis from an urban cultural studies perspective. It explores culturally-charged landscapes that effectively convey the zeitgeist and reveal deep-rooted anxieties about issues such as globalization, consumerism, immigration, speculation, precarity, and political resistance (particularly by Indignados [Indignant Ones] from the 15-M Movement). The book loosely traces the trajectory of the crisis, with the first part looking at texts that underscore some of the behaviors that indirectly contributed to the crisis, and the remaining chapters focusing on works that directly examine the crisis and its aftermath. This close reading of texts and films by Ray Loriga, Elia Barceló, Ion de Sosa, José Ardillo, David Llorente, Eduardo Vaquerizo, and Ricardo Menéndez Salmón offers insights into the creative ways that these authors and directors use spatial constructions to capture the dystopian imagination. Lifelong 40% discount for authors The first € price and the £ and $ price are net prices, subject to local VAT. Prices indicated with [1] include VAT for books; the €(D) includes 7% for Germany, the €(A) includes 10% for Austria. Prices indicated with [2] include VAT for electronic products; 19% for Germany, 20% for Austria. All prices exclusive of carriage charges. Prices and other details are subject to change without notice. All errors and omissions excepted. [3] No discount for MyCopy.

The Global Financial Crisis of 2008 ushered neoliberal capitalism into a prolonged hegemonic crisis. From Brexit, to Trump, from record inequality, to climate politics, the elites of the world-system are increasingly divided on what is to be done. A generalised crisis of legitimacy is thus affecting the world-system, whereby the people as a subject no longer believe as they once did and are no longer capable of acting accordingly. The Coronavirus Crash of 2020 heightened these contradictions dramatically, leading many to begin questioning whether neoliberalism will survive this latest crisis and what will replace it? Historical equivalents of such political-economic transitions suggest that a new social order will be built out of the ashes of the old. But if this is the case, why has a transition to a more progressive next system not occurred already? An eruption of mass movements has been observed globally since the financial crisis of 2008, yet after a month or a year, we hear little about what consequences these exhortations for popular sovereignty actualised. It is precisely within this space – between the several years of aftermath of a social movement’s major mobilisations and political-economic transition – that this thesis seeks to make an original contribution to knowledge. The central research question animating this thesis is how have the consequences attributable to three left-populist movements in the wake of their major mobilisations in 2015-2017 shaped the emergent transition to what comes after neoliberalism and what strategy for the institutionalisation of their goals has been the most effective over the medium term? In response, my overall argument is that, as a result of both the external structural barriers and internal collective-agential choices facing the three movements, the Climate Justice Movement in Australia, the Podemos Movement-Party in Spain and the Black Lives Matter Movement in the US, they have each struggled to guide the transition beyond neoliberalism in the direction of a more democratic, just, and sustainable system. I identify the three movement’s strategies, respectively, as co-optive institutionalisation (similar to NGO-isation), disruptive institutionalisation (sometimes referred to in the literature as ‘from protest to politics’) and disruptive non-institutionalisation (effectively indefinite protest and a refusal to develop into any formal organisation over time). Instead of a single revolutionary moment of rupture, the most likely transition, which I argue we have begun living through with the Coronavirus Crash of 2020, is a slow decay from the neoliberal model of capitalism into ‘techno-feudalism’. I argue that this represents a new mode of production which can summarily be defined as a return to some characteristics of pre-capitalist class society, and the instrumentalisation of technology for social control. As Wolfgang Streeck’s How Will Capitalism End? noted (2016, p. 28 drawing on Winters 2011) present levels of wealth inequality between the richest 400 Americans and the rest of the American population are comparable to that seen at the height of the Roman empire between a senator and a slave. The emergence of techno-feudalism can be observed in a new rentier-based economy dominated by a handful of platform economy corporations wherein the rapid flows of intangible capital and immaterial labour are determined by oligarchs who control – not so much the physical infrastructure of mines, factories and shops as the dominant class did under capitalism – but rather the crucial vectors of information exchange which figures such as Jeff Bezos of Amazon and Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook have used to become among the wealthiest and influential human beings in history. Techno-feudalism is distinct from capitalism in that it features a new class structure of Techno-Rentier Oligarchs who own the giant platform corporations and a popular class which lives under the dictatorship of the algorithm who have been made increasingly precarious by automation and global labour market competition which I call the Techno-Precariat Commoners. Rather than at the point of production only, as per class struggle under industrial capitalism, under techno-feudalism the elite seeks to everywhere create regimes of New Enclosure by controlling, monopolising, privatising and then militarising all societal resources from public space to creative media shared over the internet. New state functions render the social contract of liberal democratic capitalism void since political and economic power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of this oligarchy and the state repressive apparatus (policing, prisons, intelligence agencies and so on) grows more sophisticated by the year. Cast against this dystopian spectre of technology for social control, the popular class of the Techno-Precariat Commoners employ the social movement strategy of commoning to create New Commons systems of open access and democratically negotiated management. Remunicipalisation movements provide a model for reversing the privatisation of city-scale utilities like water, electricity, gas, public transport and other services. The thesis is shaped by a post-Marxist theoretical framework driven by the ideas of Paolo Gerbaudo, Laurence Cox, Guy Standing, Chantal Mouffe, Nick Srnicek, and Andre Gorz. Within a political economy framework influenced by their ideas, the consequences of the three movements are analysed in relation to mass culture, institutions and policy. Having established that these movements are confronted with a new form of political economy in techno-feudalism, I argue that this is the meta-reason it is so difficult for social movements to have a major impact on society today. Techno-feudalism has created a steeper terrain of struggle in which political opportunity structural barriers have made pursuing the political goals of left-populist movements objectively more difficult than under conditions of neoliberalism, social democracy or early capitalist expansion. Mass surveillance, the capacity for hyper-targeted repression and spectacular algorithmic forms of distraction are new challenges to which social movements will have to adapt and overcome. This does not amount to a call for defeatism. History is simultaneously moving forwards technologically while at the same time it is being driven backwards politically. Technology can provide the illusion that progress happens by default. But when progressive social movements and parties retreat, history does not move forward, nor does it stand still, patiently waiting. Regressive movements, parties and oligarchs have their own visions for what kind of system should replace neoliberal capitalism and it is this revanchist revolutionary subject that has stepped in to fill the void.

El Movimiento 15M es el último ejemplo de una serie de experiencias de movilización surgidas a partir de protestas convocadas mediante el uso de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) o que han destacado por el uso intensivo de las mismas.

El papel de las TIC e internet es hoy ampliamente reconocido como una de las novedades más relevantes en los procesos de movilización social. A veces, este papel llega a exagerarse señalando a las TIC como el elemento determinante y obviando por tanto las motivaciones profundas y la complejidad del contexto social y político en el que surge la protesta. Otras veces, impresiones más o menos acertadas, como el uso de internet por la población general para expresar y organizar sus reivindicaciones en el mundo occidental, se trasladan a contextos muy diferentes, donde la “brecha digital” es mucho más pronunciada, llevando a interpretaciones equivocadas cuando no a burdas manipulaciones de los fenómenos estudiados. Incluso se podría hablar del uso de internet para revestir de “popular” algunas iniciativas políticas fraguadas o apoyadas desde las elites. No obstante, incluso estos análisis desviados manifiestan la idea general de que internet se ha convertido en una herramienta importante para la política popular. Algo que, si bien es particularmente cierto en el contexto occidental, puede extrapolarse a algunos países empobrecidos donde al menos una parte relevante de la población tiene acceso a las TIC.

Teniendo en cuenta estas limitaciones, podemos señalar casos relevantes en los que el papel de las nuevas tecnologías comunicativas ha resultado crucial para la protesta. Con antecedentes en las protestas
antinucleares de la década de los ochenta o el neozapatismo en la década de los noventa, el uso de las TIC como instrumento de movilización social se difunde especialmente a raíz de “la batalla de Seattle” que en 1999 protagonizó el movimiento altermundista y de ejemplos como el derrocamiento en 2001 del presidente Estrada en Filipinas (EDSA II), lo ocurrido durante el golpe de estado en Venezuela en abril del mismo año, el noviembre francés de 2000 o, más recientemente, la llamada “primavera árabe” de 2011. En el Estado español las protestas que siguieron a los atentados del 11 de marzo de 2004 y el ciclo de movilizaciones por una vivienda digna que tuvo lugar en 2006-2007 son ejemplos paradigmáticos del creciente protagonismo de las TIC en los procesos de movilización social.

El presente trabajo pretende, en última instancia, analizar el uso de internet por parte del movimiento 15M. No obstante, para encarar este objetivo final, el texto partirá primero de una descripción del movimiento, atendiendo al contexto en el que surge, los antecedentes que lo preceden, el desarrollo de las protestas y las propuestas y estrategias desplegadas por el mismo, así como la confluencia del 15M con movilizaciones posteriores como la del 25S, las mareas, las huelgas generales o movilizaciones obreras como la de los mineros. Esta descripción será el punto de partida para el análisis teórico del movimiento que, tomando conceptos y premisas de la teoría de los movimientos sociales (teoría de movilización de recursos, enfoque de los nuevos movimientos sociales, hipótesis de la privación relativa) servirá para una mejor comprensión del fenómeno estudiado.

Tras ello, y como punto intermedio entre el estudio del movimiento y el análisis de su uso de las TIC, presentaremos de forma general las relaciones entre los movimientos y las nuevas tecnologías comunicativas y las implicaciones que éstas tienen para la movilización social.

Finalmente abordaremos el estudio de caso en el que se analizará el uso concreto que el movimiento quincemayista ha hecho de las nuevas tecnologías comunicativas como internet tanto para convocar la movilización como para organizarla y difundirla, sin olvidar la influencia de la red en la propia cultura del movimiento y el papel de éste como actor activo del desarrollo tecnológico.

La crisis económica y social que atraviesa España ha supuesto un replanteamiento de su historia, sus instituciones y sus narrativas oficiales. La Transición ha sido un claro ejemplo de este cuestionamiento histórico, en especial tras la aparición del movimiento 15M, que ha criticado la narrativa oficial de la Transición en distintas formas. En este artículo, se estudian y contextualizan ejemplos tomados del campo musical —ensayos, canciones y usos públicos de la música— para analizar las diferentes interpretaciones de la Transición planteadas por artistas, intelectuales y políticos que formaron parte del movimiento 15M o se han visto influidos por su "clima" (Fernández Savater). En los casos analizados, la fuerte interacción entre arte, memoria y política permite identificar dos tendencias complementarias: por un lado, la voluntad de recuperar parte del espíritu de la Transición a través de sus símbolos musicales; por el otro, un rechazo a las consecuencias de este periodo, expresado a través de una profunda crítica a su canon musical.

In May 2011, a widespread protest movement known as 15M emerged in Spain, emphasizing the sustained and purposeful occupation of public spaces. Based in Seville, the performance collective Flo6x8 protests financial and political malfeasance in Spain by converting corporate banks into flamenco performance and recording spaces. This essay explores how Flo6x8 generates new physical and conceptual spaces for political expression and protest in Spain's 15M Movement through their pioneering use of digital media, flash mobs, and flamenco performance. Flo6x8 temporarily converts spaces of the opposition into oppositional spaces and channels public outrage into powerful and irreverent productions. The group appropriates enduring symbols and associations of flamenco, including poverty and alienation, while simultaneously challenging notions of where and when performances of flamenco should happen. Drawing from literature in performance studies, theory of social movements, critical urban theory, and ethnographies of precarity and austerity in southern Europe, this article considers how visual, corporeal, and spatial elements are critical factors that shape the meanings of flamenco performance and protest in twenty-first century Spain.

Tecnologia e politica intessono la trama della realtà sociale. L’elaborato esamina il rapporto tra social media e movimenti globali, analizzando l’azione collettiva di protesta sia online che offline. Gli interrogativi sulle interconnessioni tra le due dimensioni, la questione della leadership e la contraddizione di trarre beneficio dall’utilizzo delle piattaforme digitali aziendali hanno trovato risposta mediante una ricerca empirica. Il Capitolo 1 richiama i presupposti teorici del “Movimento dei movimenti” emerso negli anni Novanta, dalle tesi di Jean Baudrillard ai dati forniti da Naomi Klein. Il passaggio dall’azione collettiva all’azione connettiva, oggetto degli studi di Lance Bennett e Alexandra Segerberg, incontra l’interesse per l’approfondimento degli aspetti concernenti l’identità, come esplicitato dalle osservazioni di Paolo Gerbaudo ed Emiliano Trerè. L’antenato dei social network era Indymedia: a vent’anni di distanza, nel Capitolo 2 si approfondiscono le trasformazioni generate dal capitalismo delle piattaforme, di cui Mariana Mazzucato fornisce il contesto economico, e le sfide poste dagli algoritmi nell'estrazione e nella valorizzazione dei dati. Le analisi di Zeynep Tufekci e Evgeny Morozov affrontano il problema dell’omologazione e del contagio emotivo. Il Capitolo 3 presenta i risultati di una ricerca qualitativa che ha coinvolto venti attivisti provenienti da movimenti sociali contro il consumo per la giustizia sociale, ambientale e di genere, quali: School Strike 4 Climate, Fridays for Future, Extinction Rebellion, Ni Una Menos, 15M e Occupy. Il punto di vista degli intervistati dialoga con la letteratura esistente per rispondere alle domande teoriche dei capitoli precedenti. Le conclusioni offrono uno sguardo d’insieme sui risultati rilevanti e qualche spunto per le ricerche future, in particolare in materia di etica applicata all’intelligenza artificiale. L’Appendice Fotografica fornisce un’ulteriore fonte visiva al contenuto testuale. [L'Appendice II presenta un'intervista a Moez Chakchouk, Assistant Director-General dell'UNESCO per il Settore Comunicazione e Informazione]

Este libro es un estudio introductorio, histórico y filosófico sobre la tradición revolucionaria. Su objetivo es explorar y repensar la compleja relación entre la tradición, la memoria y la revolución a partir de examinar las aportaciones de los principales pensadores que han reflexionado sobre la revolución y de analizar cómo se han desarrollado en la práctica las revoluciones del pasado. De este modo, lo que también se aborda en el libro es de qué modo se engarzan pasado, presente y futuro en los acontecimientos revolucionarios. Lejos de ser contradictorias o incompatibles, la revolución y la tradición se han relacionado de múltiples maneras que hasta el día de hoy han sido insuficientemente investigadas.

Link: https://www.documentauniversitaria.com/es/producte/memoria-de-la-revolucion/

La crisis económica y, especialmente, el acontecimiento del 15-M abrieron fisuras en el inconsciente ideológico. Las contradicciones que la ideología se encargaba de armonizar y cohesionar de pronto empezaron a tensarse. Tras la imagen del yo-libre empezó a asomar, cada vez con más urgencia, el rostro real del yo-explotado. La ideología se iba resquebrajando y por entre las grietas se anunciaba la posibilidad de construir un mundo alternativo, otras formas de relacionarse, de organizarse, de vivir, de pensar. Y, por supuesto, una literatura otra que, a diferencia de la que había hegemonizado el campo español hasta la fecha, no desplazara las contradicciones, sino que las enunciara como preámbulo de su estallido, del que pudiera emerger un mundo libre y sin explotación. Si el discurso literario hegemónico, «la novela de la no-ideología», presenta que todo conflicto encuentra su causa en el interior del sujeto y, en consecuencia, es el yo quien debe transformarse para adaptarse o sobreponerse a la situación, tras el acontecimiento surge una nueva narrativa que invierte este discurso, se politiza, y narra que lo que nos pasa debe encontrar su explicación fuera del sujeto, esto es, en la realidad histórica y social, en el capitalismo, en las relaciones sociales y de producción en las que, como sujetos, estamos insertados, y que nos constituye. Después del acontecimiento estudia, a partir de un amplio corpus de obras literarias, el retorno de lo político que ha experimentado la literatura española tras el 15-M.

This dissertation explores how flamenco performance models intimacy and solidarity in Andalusian communities based in Seville and Morón de la Frontera. The adaptability of flamenco performance underscores the inherent decision-making that goes into determining which physically, socially and affectively constructed environments are appropriate, if not ideal, for making music. Since expression within flamenco is largely based upon collective experience and reciprocal execution, the performance space constitutes a defining element of both social and sonic aesthetics. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork, I look at how artists and communities are responding to pressing subjects that involve cultural patrimony and protection as well as political corruption and interference. The first two chapters chronicle the maintenance and development of a flamenco guitar tradition in Morón that proliferated into the hands of international students beginning in the 1960s. I analyze how the introduction of recording and sound reproduction technologies in Morón served to create new types of mobility that separate sounds from their original bodies and spaces of production and, in so doing, alter and blur the boundaries between public and private in communities of flamenco performers and listeners. Next, I focus on the work of twenty-first century flamenco group Son de la Frontera, who organized the music of Diego del Gastor into lush and varied arrangements. By tracing this music back through particular genealogies of listening, I reveal how the Morón style has become entangled in larger processes of countercultural and transnational encounters that converge and become audible through the work of Son de la Frontera. In the final two chapters, I discuss how the recent encroachment of institutional capital and decree upon artists and venues has threatened, rather than supported, the local flamenco community in Seville. I demonstrate how members of this community are responding to these attacks through radical forms of performance protest. Highlighting the dangerous and deceptive elements of intangible cultural heritage, I interrogate the ways in which flamenco artists and community members continue to negotiate distinctions between public and private performance in an era of globalized media circulation, neoliberal economic regimes and complex localized structures of kinship and power.

Este artículo se ocupa de la relación entre la transición española y el ciclo histórico comenzado en 2011- y después del 15-M-, estudiando sus respectivos imaginarios de la temporalidad, sus horizontes de expectativas y sus espacios de experiencia (Koselleck). Argumento que, en España, en el contexto actual, tienen lugar prácticas memoriales de recuperación activa de formas políticas y estéticas propias de los años setenta. Para ello, resumo y discuto algunas de las últimas investigaciones alrededor de la transición española, así como mis propios trabajos, para concluir que, si buena parte de la historiografía había construido un relato del proceso en clave institucional y desmovilizadora, hoy, en el espacio público, están teniendo lugar transmisiones de memoria intergeneracionales en las que el elemento clave a la hora de entender la transición es la contestación popular.

Trabajo de investigación sobre los movimientos indignados de la primavera de 2011 desde la perspectiva de la filosofía política contemporánea. Se ha tomado como referencia la obra de autores como Michel Foucault, Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt, Paolo Virno o David Harvey (entre otros). En primer lugar he tratado de desgranar los principales conceptos de esta corriente de la filosofía política contemporánea, para en un segundo momento aplicarlos al análisis del movimiento 15M.

La trama de la novela #lovetopía transcurre en una utópica sociedad española donde las proclamas y demandas del 15M triunfaron, donde instituciones políticas y económicas escucharon la indignación de la calle y se adaptaron para servir mejor a las personas y a la vida.

El protagonista, en un viaje interior en el que supera creencias, prejuicios y hábitos adquiridos, se adentra en la sociedad lovetopiana para descubrir cómo funciona una economía centrada en el bien común, con comportamientos de democracia económica. Por ejemplo, descubre que las empresas lovetopianas publican información ampliada y pagan sus impuestos en función de su impacto económico, social, medioambiental y cultural. Por otro lado, presencia como los ciudadanos lovetopianos utilizan sus decisiones de compra para comprar y votar a aquellas empresas que ofrecen un mejor impacto 360º, mostrando su total indiferencia ante la publicidad y la propaganda. De manera análoga, investiga el camino seguido por la sociedad lovetopiana hasta instaurar una democracia digital directa, donde sus ciudadanos marcan la dirección de la sociedad a través de referéndums digitales espontáneos y los partidos políticos son simples agrupaciones de personas elegidas a través de listas abiertas, con plena autonomía de voto y en constante comunicación con los ciudadanos.

Además, a través de sus múltiples relaciones con niños, hombres y mujeres, el periodista español atraviesa su confusión inicial para descubrir en qué nos convertiremos cuando el sistema educativo y la familia favorezcan una revolución interior que facilite el bienestar individual y la contribución al bien común: inteligencia económica, alfabetización digital, inteligencia emocional y energética, y plena consciencia sexual.

#lovetopía es una metáfora de la experiencia vital del autor, donde comparte sus descubrimientos sobre el mundo exterior y cuáles son las alternativas a nuestro alcance para cambiar aquello que no funciona por negligente y obsoleto. También comparte cómo es nuestro mundo interior y el camino para despertar aquello que permanece oculto y nos condiciona negativamente en el avance hacia la felicidad.

EL ARGUMENTO

En el año 2033, el periodista Rubén González visita de manera oficial Lovetopía, un país dirigido por mujeres y surgido tras la independencia del Levante español desde las influencias del movimiento 15-M.

El periodista, a través de sus artículos y de su diario íntimo, supera la mayoría de prejuicios y creencias limitantes que le mantienen atrapado a la sociedad de consumo occidental. Además, de la mano de Nazaret, Lorena, Bea y otras mujeres lovetopianas, disfruta de una sexualidad evolucionada, con tintes de inteligencia emocional y polaridades energéticas, que le llevarán a redescubrir las relaciones hombre-mujer.

¿Es Lovetopía una ilusión, un estado salvaje o un destello de lo que quizás podemos ser? En un baile ininterrumpido de nuevas tecnologías, ecologismo, economía colaborativa y del bien común, índice de la felicidad, democracia real, energías sostenibles, renta básica universal y un largo etcétera, el periodista descubre que otra sociedad es posible cuando colectivamente atendemos a las razones del corazón.
#lovetopía es una visualización de cómo sería una sociedad moderna, y cómo serían sus ciudadanos, si apostamos por una educación orientada a la felicidad, una alimentación y una sanidad que persiguen la salud, una economía basada en el bien común y en la generosidad, y una democracia real que utiliza las nuevas tecnologías para que los ciudadanos ejerzan su soberanía política.

El autor ofrece un sueño colectivo que cualquiera puede abrazar y convertir en intención de vida. Su fuerza nos llega fácil porque propone comportamientos e instituciones nacidas directamente desde el corazón.

This book analyses the aesthetic and utopian dimensions of various activist social movements in Western Europe since 1989. Through a series of case studies, it demonstrates how dreams of a better society have manifested themselves in contexts of political confrontation, and how artistic forms have provided a language to express the collective desire for social change.
The study begins with the 1993 occupation of Claremont Road in east London, an attempt to prevent the demolition of homes to make room for a new motorway. In a squatted row of houses, all available space was transformed and filled with elements that were both aesthetic and defensive – so when the authorities arrived to evict the protestors, sculptures were turned into barricades. At the end of the decade, this kind of performative celebration merged with the practices of the antiglobalisation movement, where activists staged spectacular parallel events alongside the global elite’s international meetings. As this book shows, social movements try to erase the distance that separates reality and political desire, turning ordinary people into creators of utopias. Squatted houses, carnivalesque street parties, counter-summits, and camps in central squares, all create a physical place of these utopian visions

La indignación per se es problemática al intentar meter en una misma bolsa las protestas de meses de la sociedad colombiana por décadas de gobiernos vinculados al paramilitarismo y los reclamos de cientos de cubanos, que duraron alrededor de tres días, debido al manejo de la actual Pandemia por parte de su gobierno. La ideología nunca murió, es todo aquello que no notamos, pero determina nuestra interpretación del acontecer diario, es el relato de lo deseable que se ha impuesto. Nuestra concepción de libertad y democracia; aunque no sea para todos. Son nuestros parámetros para construir analogías improcedentes. Es, por ejemplo, nuestra negación del imperialismo, al mismo tiempo que Afganistán arde.

Las luchas por la vivienda en el estado español, y concretamente en Sevilla, tienen una larga trayectoria. Diversos episodios de movilización como las luchas vecinales de la Transición, el movimiento okupa, el movimiento por una Vivienda Digna, las acciones de Stop Desahucios, la PAH y el 15M o la ocupación de numerosas Corralas de vecinos han supuesto una acumulación de experiencias, saberes y discursos, así como la participación de varias generaciones de activistas en una lucha que, contando en cada
momento con distintos nombres, podemos encuadrar como una ola de movilización continuada. Hoy, buena parte del activismo social debate sobre la oportunidad de actuar en el ámbito institucional a través de nuevas candidaturas ciudadanas que podrían materializar las reivindicaciones históricas de los movimientos sociales en torno al derecho a la ciudad y a la vivienda.

Las últimas corrientes de acción colectiva implican no sólo una revitalización de la calle como escenario para el conflicto social, sino la asignación de un protagonismo especial al espacio público como escenario y como categoría política, cuyas raíces teóricas en el nuevo republicanismo conviene poner de manifiesto si se quiere ser consciente de su alcance y ambición.

Culturas de cualquiera es un libro de historia del presente. Un relato y una investigación sobre la emergencia de culturas cooperativas e igualitarias en el contexto de la crisis económica española que empezó en 2008.
Explica cómo los recientes movimientos en las redes y en las plazas desafiaron los dos pilares mayores en los que se asienta el poder en España desde hace décadas: la autoridad cultural que otorga el derecho a la palabra solo a los expertos, a «los que saben»; y el neoliberalismo que hace del dinero la medida de toda riqueza y valor social.
Desde el establecimiento en la segunda mitad del franquismo de una cultura tecnocrática y consumista hasta la implantación progresiva del neoliberalismo, los intelectuales y los «expertos» han legitimado la historia española como una serie de etapas inevitables y positivas hacia la «modernización». Pero cuando estalla la crisis y millones de personas perciben que los efectos de esta «modernización» conducen a la precariedad general de la vida, este paradigma colapsa.
Esto impulsa a muchas personas a confiar en sus capacidades para construir colaborativamente saberes y respuestas eficaces a los problemas que les afectan. Son las «culturas de cualquiera».
Estas culturas evitan crear divisiones entre personas «que saben» y personas «que no saben», y afirman que todas saben algo y nadie lo sabe todo, y que nuestras capacidades se desarrollan mejor cuando aprendemos juntos que cuando nos relacionamos jerárquicamente. Son «culturas de cualquiera» porque en ellas se entiende que la cultura, esa constante discusión colectiva en la que se decide en qué consiste una vida digna, es algo en lo que cualquiera debe poder participar.

In this article I draw from anthropological fieldwork in Spain and secondary research on Tunisia and Iceland to explore the connection between internet freedom activism and post-2008 protest movements. I introduce two new concepts: ‘freedom technologists’ and ‘protest formulas’. I use the term freedom technologists to refer to those social agents who combine technological and political skills to pursue greater internet and democratic freedoms, which they regard as being inextricably entwined. Far from being techno-utopians or deluded ‘slacktivists’ (Morozov, 2013, Skoric, 2012), I argue that most freedom technologists are in fact techno-pragmatists; that is, people who take a very practical view of the limits and possibilities of new technologies for political change. I also differentiate among freedom technologists, singling out three main specialists for their strong contribution to the new movements, namely hackers/geeks, tech lawyers and online journalists. The second new coinage I develop is protest formulas. This term refers to the unique compound of societal forces and outcomes that characterises each protest movement – as well as each phase or initiative within a movement. In the article I track the influence of freedom technologists on emerging protest movements as they interact with other agents within these political compounds.

Field theory can help to produce more nuanced analyses of the relationship between media change the rise of new citizen movements. In turn, this can be of invaluable assistance in our comparative understanding of the world’s current ‘crises of citizenship’. Taking as my example Spain’s indignados (15M) movement and its recent political offshoots, I explore the potential uses of a range of field concepts, including a pair of contrasting notions introduced here for the first time: ‘field of civic action’ vs. ‘unorganised civic space’. I argue that Spain’s 15M movement is best understood not as a continuous flow of events but rather as a series of discrete, ephemeral fields of civic action separated by a long hiatus of unorganised civic space. These transient, complexly mediated fields can be regarded as socio-political games of a certain kind, namely as contests in which civic ‘players’ with unique sets of skills, including ‘freedom technologists’ (Postill 2014a), enter into relationships with other individual and collective players in pursuit of common goals and rewards. Of particular salience in the Spanish case is the emergence of citizen-led initiatives (e.g. PAH, Podemos, Barcelona en Comú) that have learned how to bridge the civic vs. establishment media divide to great effect. Together, these initiatives – and their forerunners – have mobilised hundreds of thousands of Spanish citizens, imbuing them with a new agonistic vocabulary (‘us’ vs. ‘them’, ‘the citizenry’ vs. the caste’) and with a heightened awareness of their social rights that many have put into practice.

Why should a progressive planner pay attention to the Spanish 15-M movement? One of its most complex and interesting aspects is its spatiality. Today, just a few months after the hatching of the #spanishrevolution—a hashtag used by Twitterers to inform about the movement—the movement’s political content continues to be vague. The agenda fluctuates between a program that partially repeats old proposals put forward by the left-wing parties across the parliamentary spectrum in Spain and the ambitious but minority calls for self-government propounded by more radical groups. Perhaps the movement’s political positions will mature slowly in the future, however, the spatial practices of its camps and committees have proven to be a solid achievement, one of its more successful facets in promoting the spreading and organization of the protest. Combining social networks with temporary encampments, the 15-M movement demonstrates that activists can devise new uses of public space and new virtual political spaces through a collective, practice-oriented production of place.

Como es conocido, el 15M nació con la ocupación de las plazas de numerosas ciudades del estado español en 2011. Aquella multitudinaria toma del espacio público duró unas semanas pero parte del movimiento (un conjunto de asambleas, junto a gente implicada en acciones e iniciativas en los barrios y las calles) continúa a día de hoy, cinco años después. El objetivo de este artículo es explicar (i) las genealogías de las asambleas feministas y queer que se organizaron en el 15M, (ii) las tensiones y conflictos que se generaron en torno a estas cuestiones en las plazas y después y (iii) la labor de pedagogía política que han hecho estas asambleas en una doble dirección: hacia el interior del propio movimiento y hacia la ciudad/sociedad en general.
Palabras clave: protesta social; 15M; feminismos; queer/cuir; pedagogía política .

ABSTRACT: As it is known, the 15M was born with the occupation of the squares in many cities of the Spanish State in 2011. That massive takeover of public space lasted a few weeks but part of the movement (a bunch of assemblies, together with people involved in actions and
iniciatives in the neighbourhoods and on the streets) continues today, five years later. The aim of this article is to explain (i) the genealogies of the feminist and queer assemblies which were organized within the 15M, (ii) the tensions and conflicts around these issues in the occupied
squares and afterwards, and (iii) the labour of political pedagogy carried out by these assemblies towards both the movement itself and the city/society in general.
Keywords: social protest; 15M; feminisms; queer; political pedagogy.