Although heraldry sprouted on medieval battlefields mainly for military reasons, it is admitted that its largest social expansion in Western Europe occurred during the XVIIth century, at a time when coats of arms were almost completely obsolete at warfare. The aim of this paper is to deal with this apparent paradox by discussing the social and symbolic reasons which led people to create and assume arms for themselves and their families in modern France, and how this process is reflected in the content of the shields. Who are the commoners who adopted them? Bearing in mind that coats of arms were created to be displayed, what message did they carry, and for whom? The answers to these questions lie not only in armorial records, but also in situ: the widespread use of heraldry in public and private spaces, in urban and rural landscapes, in profane or sacred contexts, still brings us valuable information to understand the visual role and language of heraldry. The choice of valorizing - often canting - charges by the bearer of the name reflects a claim for a specific social status. However, a close study of symbolic allusions ranging from professional and dynastic to religious or even apotropaic, suggests a far more subtle combination of meanings, in close interaction with social, cultural, political and vernacular context.

Heraldry flourished on medieval battlefields for military reasons. However, scholars recognize that its largest social expansion in Western Europe occurred during the seventeenth century, which was a time when coats of arms were essentially obsolete in warfare. 1 This essay will tackle the apparent paradox of heraldry's non-military expansion by discussing the social and symbolic reasons that led people to create and assume arms for themselves and their families in modern France (c.1500–1789), and how this process is reflected in shields. It identifies the commoners who adopted arms, and the messages the bearings were designed to carry. The answers to these questions lie not only in armorial records, but also in situ: the widespread use of heraldry in public and private spaces, in urban and rural landscapes, in profane or sacred contexts, still brings us valuable information towards understanding the visual role and language of heraldry. The choice of valorizing — often canting — charges by the bearer of the name reflects a claim for a specific social status. However, a close study of symbolic allusions ranging from professional and dynastic to religious or even apotropaic, suggests a far more subtle combination of meanings, in close interaction with social, cultural, political, and vernacular context. Being an Armiger in Modern France: Law and Practice In modern France (c.1500 –1789), the vast majority of coats of arms were self-assumed, which implies that they were composed within the family circle. Royal heraldic concessions and augmentations were but few, and never seem to exceed one per cent of the total number of coats of arms in use within the realm. 2 In 1620, André Favyn, the author of a treatise called Le théâtre d'honneur et de chevalerie, wrote: 'today even the lowest merchants and craftsmen wish to counterfeit the nobleman by assuming arms'. 3 Although stating that coats of arms are solely for noble use is false and reflects a reactionary trend quite commonly expressed among the nobility at that time, Favyn is not the only heraldic theoretician of his time to deplore the fact that the use of coats of arms had become widespread among commoners. Favyn's opinion reflects an ideological trend shared by many other modern authors of heraldic treatises who considered that the use of coats of arms should be restricted to nobles only, because they were the ones who invented heraldry to magnify their exploits, virtues, and lineage. 4 This claim, nevertheless, cannot be supported by any legal statement: since the Middle Ages, heraldry had been used in France by nobles and commoners alike. 5 However, pressure concerning heraldic matters exerted on the king by the nobility since the beginning of the sixteenth century led François I to issue an edict in 1535 prohibiting the use of insignia such as helmets, crests, and crowns by commoners. 6 This legislation was reiterated over the course of the century, thus demonstrating its ineffectiveness. During the États généraux of 1614, the nobility firmly denounced two widespread heraldic abuses: some commoners were using homonymy to usurp coats of arms belonging to noble families, while others were displaying insignia restricted to the nobility. 7 Such grievances led Louis XIII to create, in January 1615, the office of Juge général d' armes de France, with more extensive judicial rights than former

English: The present article addresses the subject of funerary behaviours on the territory of present-day Switzerland from the end of the protohistoric period to the beginning of the Middle Ages. In order to explore this topic, a careful analysis of material remains, textual sources and funerary inscriptions was carried out. This approach primarily aimed at developing an up-to-date and multidisciplinary vision of the question of funerary behaviours in the defined chronological and geographical range. In this sense, gestures, rites, commemorative modalities, funerary recruitment, as well as legal and religious frameworks and the collective social understanding of death were closely studied. By doing so, this research endeavoured to include any contribution to the clarification of the topic under study provided by various disciplines such as funerary archaeology, biological anthropology, ancient history, geography, social anthropology, religious sciences, law, literature and philology, and ancient funerary epigraphy. Considering these different sources and insights for the case of 6 distinct places in Switzerland (Geneva – Genava, Nyon – Colonia Iulia Equestris, Augst / Kaiseraugst – Augusta Raurica, Valais – Vallis Poenina, Brugg / Gebenstorf / Windisch – Vindonissa and Avenches – Aventicum) enabled to draw – in a relatively precise manner – the outline of the funerary phenomenon in Switzerland during Antiquity. Thus, several different dynamics in the evolution of funerary behaviours, according to the places under study, were observed. This state of fact probably reflects the way in which the different communities which lived on the territory of present-day Switzerland during Antiquity interacted, made sense of, appropriated or ignored Roman funerary and/or cultural codes more globally speaking. In the same way, the partial hybridization of local ancestral customs and the diffusion of exogenous ideas throughout the complex geopolitical structure of the Roman provincial world – and more specifically Gaul – could also be highlighted thanks to this novel approach; at least in as much as Switzerland is concerned. Français: Le présent article aborde le sujet des comportements funéraires sur le territoire de la Suisse actuelle, entre la fin de la période protohistorique jusqu'au début du Moyen Âge. Afin d'explorer ce sujet, une analyse minutieuse des vestiges matériels, des sources textuelles et des inscriptions funéraires à notre disposition a été réalisée. Cette approche vise principalement à développer une vision à jour et multidisciplinaire de la question des comportements funéraires dans l'intervalle chronologique et géographique défini. En ce sens, les gestes, les rites, les modalités commémoratives, le recrutement funéraire, ainsi que les cadres juridiques et religieux et la compréhension sociale collective de la mort ont été étudiés. Ce faisant, cette recherche s'est efforcée d'inclure toute contribution à la clarification de ce sujet complexe prodiguée par diverses disciplines telles que l'archéologie funéraire, l'anthropologie biologique, l'histoire ancienne, la géographie, l'anthropologie sociale, les sciences religieuses, le droit, la littérature et la philologie, et l'épigraphie funéraire antique. La prise en compte de ces différentes sources et éclairages pour le cas de 6 lieux distincts en Suisse (Genève – Genava, Nyon – Colonia Iulia Equestris, Augst / Kaiseraugst – Augusta Raurica, Valais – Vallis Poenina, Brugg / Gebenstorf / Windisch – Vindonissa et Avenches – Aventicum) a permis d'esquisser – de manière relativement précise – les contours du phénomène funéraire en Suisse durant l'Antiquité. Ainsi, plusieurs dynamiques différentes dans l'évolution des comportements funéraires, selon les lieux étudiés, ont été observées. Cet état de fait reflète vraisemblablement la manière dont les différentes communautés qui vivaient sur le territoire de la Suisse actuelle durant l'Antiquité ont interagi, fait sens, se sont appropriées ou ont ignoré les codes funéraires et/ou culturels romains de manière plus globale. De même, l'hybridation partielle des coutumes ancestrales locales et la diffusion d'idées exogènes à travers la structure géopolitique complexe du monde provincial romain – et plus particulièrement de la Gaule – ont également pu être mises en évidence grâce à cette approche inédite ; du moins en ce qui concerne la Suisse.

Fifteenth century Germany was a place of strife where feudal ties were still useful for princes to keep control of his often widespread dominion and keep other interests out. The names of major vassals, castle guards (Burgmannen) and other fief-holders were noted in books of fiefs (Lehensbücher), which were regularly revised - usually simple entries for administrative use only. The present edition describes an unusual variant illustrated with 483 coats of arms and crested helmets made during the last years of the reign of the Elector-Palatine Friedrich I ‘the Victorious’ von Wittelsbach-Bayern (1425-76) for his personal use.

The fact that the Van Limburg Brothers were born into a milieu of heraldic painters through their mother Metta Maelwael is frequently mentioned in recent works on these artists. This detail is not insignificant when it comes to defining the influences that could have marked the style and technique of the most famous illuminators of the early fifteenth century. It implies a precise knowledge of the forms and functions of the coat of arms and the heraldic badges, a mastery of a heraldic aesthetic that informs the history of these famous painters and the history of the practice of heraldic art to the same extent. In what way is the interest of the Van Limburg Brothers for this essential element of princely representation expressed in their work?