Forthcoming in The SAGE Encyclopedia of Music and Culture, ed. Janet Sturman. Projected publication in August 2017. Please contact author for permission to cite. Capitalism Modern capitalism is a framework for the creation and circulation of commodities, which are goods intended for profitable exchange rather than immediate use. Three factors of production are required to make commodities: labor, land, and capital, i.e., goods and money used in production. The word "capitalist" emerged in the 1600s to refer to those who sustain themselves through ownership of capital. In capitalistic production, a capital owner pays workers to use capital to create commodities, which the owner can sell. Because labor is purchased rather than coerced, it is also considered a commodity. Since the 1850s, we have used the keyword "capitalism" to refer to social systems in which the dominant relations of production are exchange relations between capital owners and workers. Much work done in formal economies today conforms at least nominally to this model. This article traces the interwoven histories of capitalism and music in the West. It then explores the impact of capitalist globalization on music worldwide, and introduces some theoretical perspectives on the study of music and capitalism. Commerce We find instances of capitalistic production throughout history: for example, in ancient Greece and Rome, Imperial China, and Tokugawa Japan. We also find modern-seeming institutions such as sophisticated financial systems and complex divisions of labor, including waged and salaried musical labor. In these societies, capitalistic practices existed alongside more predominant non-capitalistic practices, such as compulsory labor, communal property ownership, and seigniorial privilege. This drives home the fact that wage labor and markets do not automatically imply capitalism. Likewise, paid music-making does not imply a capitalistic music culture. The gleanings of a predominantly capitalist society appear in late medieval Europe. During the 1300s, war and plague decimated European labor markets, empowering those peasants that survived to renegotiate their positions. The decline of serfdom increased mobility and participation in markets, and towns displaced manors as centers of economic activity. Cities like Venice and Bruges in particular became wealthy by supporting capitalistic institutions rather than suppressing or extorting them as the landed nobility tended to do. During the 1400s, robust maritime trade networks took shape around such cities. Staples and manufactured goods eventually eclipsed luxuries as the main objects of long-distance trade, and interdependencies increased. By the 1500s, price cycles in Europe had begun to have observable effects as far away as India. Around this time, the major kingdoms began to take commerce more seriously, implementing policies aimed at realizing positive balances of trade ("mercantilism"). State economies surpassed city economies as the drivers of world commerce. Economic nationalism sparked the first wave of European colonial expansion, which devastated the societies of the Americas, diminished the influence of the Islamic empires, and aggravated isolationist tendencies in East Asia. It also birthed the transatlantic slave trade. Colonialism and slavery left immense human and musical legacies. In enclaves and across colonial spheres of influence, Europeans introduced new styles into indigenous musical vernaculars. Intermarriage coincided with new ethnic identities and hybrid musical traditions. In areas under direct colonial rule, European elites often imposed their musical languages alongside their spoken languages and religions. Subaltern and slave populations took possession of these symbol systems and developed them in ways elites could neither predict nor control. It is important to stress the mutual interdependence of capitalism, colonialism, and slavery. Merchants traded European and Asian goods for African slaves, who were sold to plantations and mines in the Americas. Wealth created by enslaved Africans and indigenous peoples was arrogated and reinvested by Europeans. Such cycles of accumulation helped trigger the "great divergence," a rise in production and consumption in Europe as compared to the rest of the world. Data on pre-modern economies is never conclusive, but suggests that by around 1700, the gross domestic product per capita in Western Europe was nearly 170% of the world average, with the Netherlands at 340%. A related trend was urbanization. In 1500, there were around 150 cities of 10,000 people or more in Europe, holding 5.6% of the population. By 1800, this had risen to around 360 cities holding 10% of the population. States sought to manage these trends by centralizing and bureaucratizing, while on a sub-state level, factions of elites competed to influence the distribution of wealth and prestige. European music benefited from this economic surge. Secular elites took a place alongside the church as major patrons, and centers of musical creation multiplied. Royal courts took advantage of increased revenue to stage spectacles celebrating their own authority. Intermedi, masques, and ballets de cour employed small armies of artists and crew. Lesser nobles emulated the courts, hiring musicians on a waged or salaried basis as their means allowed. Skilled composers gained a measure of celebrity, often cycling between patrons; their travels helped internationalize the Franco-Flemish style. In wealthy cities, municipal councils employed musicians as well. Perhaps most significantly, musical amateurism flourished among progressive aristocrats and educated members of the bourgeoisie. This pan-European "subculture" founded music societies such as the Florentine Camerata and the Leipzig Collegium Musicum, which deepened discourse on aesthetics, incubated new genres, and helped popularize the public concert as an institution. They also formed a base for the growth of sheet music printing as a profitable industry, thus inaugurating the modern commodity form of music. Industry Over the course of the 1500–1700s, commerce transformed the European economy. This was most pronounced in England and the Netherlands. In 1500, around 75% of the English and 56% of the Dutch were employed in agriculture, with the remainder in non-agricultural sectors. By 1750, the population fraction employed in agriculture had fallen to 45% and 42% respectively. Over the same period, the agricultural fraction in central Europe dropped from 70-75% to 60-65%, while in Italy and Spain it held steady at around 60-65%. At this time, manufacture throughout Europe was often conducted through the capitalistic putting-out system. In England, much agriculture was also already capitalistic: rather than expropriating surplus directly, nobles rented property to wealthy tenant-farmers, who employed wage labor and sold their produce at market. By the 1750s, England had developed key pre-conditions for industrialization: the predominance of wage labor and high wages relative to the cost of capital. Its tight labor market, combined with cheap coal, incentivized the development of labor-saving machines. Colonialism magnified this incentive: the need to price-match Indian cotton, for example, pushed English textile industrialists to mechanize. Industrialization nearly doubled the urban fraction of the English population and increased secondary and tertiary sector employment. It also increased literacy, the share of wages in national income, and intergenerational social mobility among the educated. New technologies and spatial systems gave rise to new kinds of technical and organizational work. Non-agricultural laborers came into consciousness as a culturally and politically distinct "working class," while managers, technicians, and knowledge-workers that did not earn enough to assimilate to the ruling elite positioned themselves as an aspirational "middle class." As other nations industrialized, they tended to experience similar transformations. These upheavals had decisive effects on music. Aristocrats retrenched their retinues, and musicians turned to the market. Advances in printing carried over to music publishing, and music stores and lending libraries began to crop up. Some composers entered into contracts with publishing firms, while others printed on demand. Such mundanities had stylistic repercussions. Markets presented composers with more diffuse aesthetic imperatives and less stability than patrons. Competitive individualism, which was enabled by changing labor relations and standards of property ownership, carried over into art. The music of genius embodied the centrist liberal ideology of the middle class, offering a realm in which personal merit, freed from traditional constraints, won success and promised to remake the world. In the 1820s, publishers began consciously targeting this class, offering affordable editions of "masterpieces" singly or by subscription. Around the same time, factory-produced upright pianos became available. For would-be stakeholders in pan-European high culture, acquiring a degree of musical taste and ability became less an option than an imperative. This led to an ironic situation in which music became a weapon in the struggle for status ("cultural capital"), despite or indeed because of its claims to aesthetic autonomy. Meanwhile, the working class shaped a musical culture that was commercial from the start, disseminated via broadsides peddled on city streets and at fairs. In England, its iconic spaces were the tavern and the music hall. In France, they were the guinguette and the cabaret (which Balzac calls "the parliament of the people"). Urbanization produced concentrated audiences, and standardized work schedules cleaved the time of labor from that of leisure. During the 1800s, commercial venues and performers proliferated throughout Europe. Amateur groups such as brass bands and singing clubs also flourished. Elite opinions on working class culture varied, but the frequent consensus was that efforts should be made to "reform" it. In England, one such effort was the 1872 introduction of music into compulsory education (itself conceived as a means of inculcating social harmony and workplace discipline). It is worth noting that the rise of anti-capitalist movements in the 1820s did much to convince elites that such interventions into working class consciousness were needed. Some popular music echoed this ideological trend: socialist parties and trade unions, for example, often sponsored singing clubs. This tended to worry elites, and governments in real or perceived crisis sometimes outlawed political song. Such reactions were out of proportion to the threat posed, for the better part of working class music was focused on entertainment rather than politics. Globalization The 19th and 20th centuries saw the global spread of industry and the entrenchment of a predominantly capitalist world economy. Notably, the same incentives that drove early industrialization in England delayed it elsewhere. No external agency prevented European or Asian entrepreneurs from mechanizing concurrently with their English peers. Some tried, but because labor was cheaper and energy more expensive, their rates of return were lower. Catching up required political interventions such as protectionism, the creation of physical and financial infrastructure, and the proactive reduction of social barriers. The United States, Germany, and Japan adopted aggressive development policies and emerged as dominant regional powers. Colonial and semi-colonial regions, which lacked control over policy, were left to the mercy of market forces. Africa and Southeast Asia stagnated, while China and India de-industrialized. The resultant power gap spurred a new wave of colonial expansion. Between 1850 and 1914, the area of the globe under Western domination rose from around 35% to nearly 85%. Some theorists blame this imperialistic paroxysm on the desire to claim resources and open markets. Others give greater weight to non-economic factors. Regardless of the cause, one effect was the integration of much of the world's population into a single "world system" marked by an international division of labor between core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral economies. Another effect was the consolidation of the nation-state as the primary instrument for regulating populations within this system. Crucially, the core-periphery division tends to reproduce itself. High wages and good infrastructure in core states incentivize capital-intensive production, which keeps GDP per capita high. Low wages and poor infrastructure in peripheral states incentivize labor-intensive production, which keeps GDP per capita low. Initially this meant agriculture, but as innovation depressed the cost of industrialization, labor-intensive manufacture shifted to the periphery as well. Wars, revolutions, and decolonization have led to redistributions of power within this system, but to date they have left its economic basis intact. The most direct effect of capitalist globalization on music worldwide has been pervasive commodification. Music existed in commodity form in some societies prior to traffic with the West, but generally in limited spheres (for example, the music of urbanites in Tokugawa Japan). Industrialization has made commodities – records, radios, mobile phones – into the centers of gravity around which a preponderance of musical activity takes shape. Much of the music that these goods convey is produced capitalistically, i.e., through transactions between owners of capital (recording studios, distributors, etc.) and owners of labor power (musicians, engineers, etc.). Even when it is made on a "cottage industry" basis, its entrance into capitalistic circulation binds it to the world of commodities. This is equally true in core and peripheral states, although formal musical economies still dominate the former while informal economies thrive in the latter. Music industries, while less powerful than in their heyday, command vast cultural influence and contribute incalculable value to the trillion-dollar global entertainment industry. There is also the production of instruments and listening equipment. The economic and human impact of commodity-music is enormous. Perspectives on the study of music and capitalism A vast scholarly literature has grown around the topic of music and capitalism. It is rooted in sociology, and connects to that discipline's grander project of assessing the transformation of Western society between the early modern period and today. Max Weber, for example, interprets the development of tonality and of capitalism as parallel expressions of the principle of "rationalization." His Rational and Social Foundations of Music (1921) suffers from overgeneralization and ethnocentrism, but contains insight into the effect of technological and institutional innovation on musical style. In the 1930s, sociologists of the Chicago school introduced greater specificity and objectivity to the field through ethnographic studies of commercial music. An example is Paul Cressey's Taxi-Dance Hall: A Sociological Study in Commercialized Recreation and City Life (1932). Their methods influenced later studies of media production and consumption, such as Paul Lazarsfeld and Frank Stanton's Radio Research 1942–43 (1944), David Riesman's "Listening to Popular Music" (1950), and Howard Becker's Outsiders (1963). During the same period, American ethnomusicology expanded to encompass commercial music; representative studies include Charles Keil's Urban Blues (1966) and Robert Dixon and John Godrich's Recording the Blues (1970). Theodor Adorno has come to be regarded as the dominant voice in European music sociology during the 1930s–60s. His writing is equally inspired by Marx and Engels’ ideology critique and Nietzsche’s use of music criticism as a vehicle for personal vituperation. This is most evident in his work on musical commodities. Seen from the perspective of the worker, capitalistic circulation involves the exchange of commodified labor for a wage, which is used to purchase commodities, which are used to reproduce labor power. As markets penetrate everyday life, social relations becomes increasingly mediated by commodity exchange, and we begin to act as if commodities were antecedent to social relations rather than consequent upon them (Marx calls this the "fetish character" of the commodity). This model applies most obviously to staple goods, but can also be used to understand the structural function of cultural commodities under capitalism. Adorno criticizes the fetishistic use of musical commodities to regulate affect and soften the hard edges of modern life, which he sees as ruthlessly economistic, asocial, and anti-musical. He also expresses scorn for the way musical use-patterns tend to follow class and status distinctions. Adorno's sociological work on musical commodities leans toward determinism. His more philosophical work, on the other hand, is rigorously dialectical. Moved by his personal attachment to Viennese modernism, Adorno argues that the compositions of Schoenberg, Webern, and Berg carry forward the critical spirit of Enlightenment prior to its devolution into instrumental rationality. They do so by pursuing their own aesthetic logics to the point of self-alienation, refusing the social function of consoling listeners in bad faith. It is worth noting that Adorno's resistance to functionalism and instrumentality put him in conflict with some of his more conventionally Marxist contemporaries, who advocated didactic or "committed" art. Current work in the philosophy of music picks up Adorno's critique of instrumental rationality, his defense of the aesthetic specificity of music, and his interest in the historical and phenomenological processes that mediate between social structure and musical form. An influential example is Jacques Attali's Noise: The Political Economy of Music (1985), which makes the compelling claim that musical systems do not mirror social systems, but rather anticipate them. During the 1960s–70s, Pierre Bourdieu rode a trend toward empiricism and scientism to the forefront of continental European sociology. While he focuses more on literature and visual art than music, his theoretical framework proved quite influential in Anglo-American ethnomusicology. In the 1970s–80s, the locus of music sociology moved unexpectedly to Birmingham as a group of scholars associated with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies brought elements of Frankfurt School critical theory and French post-structuralism to bear on various British music subcultures. Whereas Adorno and Bourdieu tend to concentrate on well-established hierarchies within the field of "mainstream" cultural production, British cultural studies often focuses on social groups that stake out their own semi-autonomous fields. Stuart Hall and Tony Jefferson's Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subculture in Post-war Britain (1975), for instance, includes essays on Teds, Mods, Skinheads, Rastas, and Rudeboys. Music sociologists since the 1990s have striven to combine Bourdieu's rigor with the epistemological flexibility of British cultural studies. The volume and range of recent work defies abbreviation, but can perhaps be fairly described as a sustained critical exploration of the diverse ways in which marginalized groups and individuals creatively inhabit hostile socioeconomic environments with and through music. James Rhys Edwards Further reading Adorno, T. (2002). Essays on Music. (Richard Leppert, Ed., and Susan H. Gillespie, Trans.). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Attali, J. (1985). Noise: The Political Economy of Music. (Brian Massumi, Trans.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Braudel, F. (1985–1986). Civilization and Capitalism, 15th–18th Century (3 volumes). (Sian Reynolds, Trans.). New York: Harper & Row. León, J. (Ed.). (2014). Special Issue: Music, Music-making and Neoliberalism. Culture, Theory and Critique, 55(2). Scott, D. B. (Ed.). (2009). The Ashgate Research Companion to Popular Musicology. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Shepherd, J. and Devine, K. (Ed.). (2015). The Routledge Reader on the Sociology of Music. New York: Routledge. Supičić, I. (1987). Music in Society: A Guide to the Sociology of Music. Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press. Wallerstein, I. (2011). The Modern World-System (4 volumes). Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Qureshi, R.B. (Ed.). (2002). Music and Marx. New York and London: Routledge. Forthcoming in The SAGE Encyclopedia of Music and Culture, ed. Janet Sturman. Projected publication in August 2017. Please contact author for permission to cite. Colonialism Colonialism is a particular mode of domination exercised by a state or comparable entity over foreign lands and peoples. There is a good deal of overlap between the keyword "colonialism" and the more general concept of imperialism. The former has come to refer specifically to the European domination of vast expanses of the world during the modern period, as well as to techniques of imperial control developed during this period and applied by non-European powers such as Japan and the United States. Colonialism and decolonization have had a profound impact on all domains of cultural production, including music. After touching on pre-modern imperialism, this article will track the major historical processes and musical effects of Western colonial expansion from the fifteenth century to the present. As a concept and a practice, colonialism has ancient roots. The word "colony" derives from the Latin colonia ("settled land"), used to refer to Roman settlements outside the core of the Republic. We find instances of both imperialism and colonization throughout history. A famous musical articulation of this is the genealogy of the bent-necked lute, which we first see in Kushan art around the first century CE. The bent-necked lute likely followed the Silk Road east to China, where it evolved into the pipa, and west to Persia, where it evolved into the barbaṭ. Around the sixth or seventh century, the Chinese exported the pipa to Korea (as the pip'a) and Vietnam (as the đan tỳ bà). In Japan, elites seeking to emulate China imported it alongside other cultural technologies (as the biwa). Meanwhile, the Islamic caliphates swept across Persia, the Maghreb, and Iberia, bringing the barbaṭ with them (as the 'ūd). It flourished in both Islamic and Christian courts, and soon spread to France. The Islamic conquest and Norman re-conquest of Sicily opened a second vector for its transmission into Italy, while the Norman invasion of England enabled its spread there. Anywhere we find imperialism, we are likely to find similar cases of musical appropriation and hybridity. Modern Western colonialism amplified this trend. In some cases, colonial powers imposed or supported certain musical traditions while suppressing others. In other cases, colonial encounters led to multilateral musical exchanges. Such exchanges were inevitably inflected by the strategies of domination employed by the colonial power: for example, the creation of ethnic and racial categories and hierarchies, the promotion or proscription of religious practices, the reinforcement or dismantling of tribal or caste affiliations, etc. Surveying music in colonial spaces reveals innumerable variations on this central theme of asymmetric hybridization. The first wave of European expansion Modern colonialism emerged out of a previous cycle of imperial activity: the conquest and re-conquest of Iberia. In the 1340s, fresh from victories against their Islamic rivals, the kingdoms of Castile and Portugal began charting the Atlantic coast of Africa. Castile invaded the Canary Islands in 1402 and set about enslaving its inhabitants. Portugal seized the city of Ceuta in 1415 and settled Madeira in the 1420s. It quickly became involved in slaving as well, building a series of trade outposts (feitorias) along the African coast. The first African slaves taken by the Portuguese were sold in Algarve, but the Atlantic islands became a more significant market as settlers in Madeira began using slave labor to cultivate sugar (a practice already common in Cyprus and Crete). Settlers in the Canary Islands, Cape Verde, and São Tomé followed suit. Portugal and Spain's African outposts directly enabled their early colonial endeavors in Asia and the Americas. During the 1500s, the Portuguese ringed the Indian Ocean with forts and sponsored a colony in Brazil, which struggled at first but went on to become the largest single importer of slaves to the New World. The Spanish founded colonies in Hispaniola and Cuba, plundered Central America, and established an enclave in the Philippines. The period of Iberian hegemony, however, was short-lived. During the 1600s, England, France, the Netherlands, and several other powers established competing American and Caribbean colonies. They also joined the slave trade, building their own West African outposts to compete with the Portuguese. Meanwhile, the English and Dutch East India Companies eroded Portuguese dominance in Asia. By the end of the century, England and the Netherlands had taken the lead as Europe's most dynamic economies and preeminent colonial powers. European powers' approaches to indigenous peoples during the first wave of expansion ranged from alliance-building to systematic enslavement and genocidal war. Indigenous powers' approaches to Europeans were almost as varied. Relations were further complicated by the range of social actors in play: colonial and indigenous elites, Arab merchants and diplomats, ecclesiastics, soldiers, settlers, and slaves all brought interests to the table. Colonial status systems intersected with pre-existent status systems, and all were modified by wealth and force of arms. Moreover, each "formal empire" was shadowed by an "informal empire" composed of Europeans and Creoles living outside colonial jurisdiction. These populations could wield independent economic or even military power, as in the case of the Topasses of Timor, the Lançados of West Africa, and the Maroons of the black Atlantic. Any of these tangled relations could serve as a vector for musical transmission. On the side of formal empire, we find the incorporation of music into colonial superstructures. In Latin America and the Philippines, elites brought their aristocratic traditions with them, importing European scores and sponsoring composition by chapel masters such as Juan Gutiérrez de Padilla and Gaspar Fernandes. The Jesuits proselytized through music in the Americas, India, and Asia, setting translated Christian texts to indigenous and European melodies. Extant examples of polyphonic works in indigenous languages are Fernandes' Nahuatl hymn "Xicochi conetzintle" and the anonymous Quechua hymn "Hanacpachap cussicuinin." Northern European settlers in North America, who came from humbler backgrounds, also brought their traditions with them: the Puritans in New England used metrical psalmody in church services, while the Catholic orders in Quebec imported French scores and taught music to both settler and native children. In each such instance, music served to reproduce and beautify the ideological foundations of empire. Musical development also occurred as an unintentional result of colonial policies, particularly when they led to the birth of new ethnicities. Soldiers in Portuguese India, for instance, were urged to marry local women; these settlers mixed with Christianized natives to form an Indo-Portuguese merchant class. In Goa, this class incubated an indigenous Catholic culture emblematized by the mando, a form of dance music sung in Konkani (often with Portuguese loan words) and accompanied on strings and ghumot drum. Similarly, the Indo-Portuguese in Sri Lanka maintained their identity under Dutch and British rule, intermixing with new arrivals to form the class of Eurasian "Burghers." Their unique creole is preserved in cantigas, folk songs accompanied on strings and rabana drum. A more migratory musical example is Indonesian kroncong, which is apocryphally traced to Indo-Portuguese sailors and African slaves who settled in Batavia and became known as Mardijkers ("freedmen"). In the 1900s, kroncong became associated with another hybrid genre, Indo-Dutch stambul theater. The self-identified descendants of Mardijkers, however, still stress its Portuguese roots. By way of such transpositions, informal empires outlive their formal precedents. The period's most consequential musical catalyst, of course, was the transatlantic slave trade. Between 12 and 15 million Africans were imported to New World colonies, and around two hundred thousand to Europe and Asia. This forced diaspora tore apart extant social groupings and shaped new ones based on shared trauma and multi-generational political struggle. Its musical legacy includes styles that comprise the lion's share of the multi-billion dollar global music industry. It also includes lesser-known genres like Sri Lankan cafrinha and São Toméan Tchiloli (both appear on the superb twelve CD series A Viagem Dos Sons [Tradisom]). Listening to such genres reminds us that while the traditions of the black Atlantic arose out of a single large-scale process, each represents an irreducible response to a specific colonial situation. The second wave of European expansion Colonial expropriation and the slave trade helped set the economic preconditions for the second wave of Western expansion. European and North American capitalists profited spectacularly from triangular trade, in which low-cost manufactured goods were exchanged for African slaves, who were sold to plantations in the Americas; slave-farmed cash crops were then sold in Europe, and the gains reinvested to expand the cycle. Such circuits contributed to a steady rise in production and consumption in Europe and its settler colonies as compared to other regions. Western states' diverse, comparatively high-wage economies induced them to industrialize, while lower-wage economies in colonies and semi-colonial zones stagnated or underwent de-industrialization. The Industrial Revolution worsened this economic divergence, producing a global core-periphery structure in which non-Western labor and resources fueled Western accumulation, investment, and development. It also ensured the West first access to infrastructural and military innovations. This widening power gap attenuated colonizers' need to compromise or work through proxies. In the Dutch East Indies and British India, state rule replaced company rule. The United States pursued the concept of "Manifest Destiny," violently dispossessing its native peoples and replacing Spain as hegemon in the Philippines and Latin America. France reentered the imperialist game, invading Algeria and Indochina. Japan's aggressive industrial policy allowed it to enter the game as well, annexing the Ryūkyū Kingdom, Taiwan, and Korea. This so-called New Imperialism reached a fever pitch in the 1880s–90s with the "scramble for Africa," in which Western states unilaterally partitioned the entire African continent, save Ethiopia and Liberia, into zones of "effective occupation." These developments had marked effects on culture, including music. First, they exposed many more people to direct colonial rule. Second, they aggravated the imperialist tendency to interpret material power as cultural primacy, and with it the desire to "civilize" colonized peoples. Theories of race abounded, and Western music was upheld as an emblem of ethnic and racial superiority. Such desires and pretenses often influenced education policy. In Africa, missionaries took the lead in music education, popularizing diatonic sacred music and indirectly influencing secular genres like Ghanaian highlife and South African marabi. In British India, the state became involved, sometimes promoting both Western and Indian "classical" music. This interlocked with the Orientalist desire to authenticate and preserve high cultural traditions. The Dutch took a similar path, establishing schools that educated and employed Javanese composers and music scholars like Ki Hadjar Dewantara and Soerjo Poetro. Notably, such tactics were not restricted to the West. Post-Ottoman Turkey and Imperial Japan, for example, both imported Western music as an educational tool, with Japan later using it in its own colonial school system in Taiwan and Korea. Needless to say, colonialism had an impact on music in the West as well. Exoticism was a factor in European culture prior to colonialism, as we see in forms such as the moresca. As explorers "discovered" and chronicled foreign peoples, performers expanded their repertories of exotic caricatures. During the first wave of European expansion, representations of Africans, Asians, and Native Americans proliferated in courtly and popular performing arts. Their appearance was sometimes signaled by the use of styles with reputed non-Western roots, such as the sarabande and chaconne. During the second wave of expansion, some composers began to take foreign traditions more seriously as sources of inspiration. A famous example is Debussy's encounter with gamelan at the Paris Exposition of 1889. In the early 1900s, Asian composers like Yamada Kōsaku also began to experiment with aesthetic syncretism, drawing on Debussy and others in turn. This intercultural discourse remains very much alive. Decolonization and postcolonial globalism It was often Western-educated elites who took up the banner of anti-colonial resistance. This is evident in the music world: Ki Hadjar Dewantara, for example, was an influential independence activist who conceived of musical syncretism as a nation-building technology. Many of the states founded during the global decolonization of the 1940s–70s reclaimed the musical traditions of ethnic majorities as defiant emblems of national identity. Elites' occasional indifference or hostility toward minority traditions testifies to the frequent suppression of difference within the new nations. In cases where postcolonial states themselves attempted imperialistic expansion, such as East Timor, music became a battleground on which real lives were sometimes lost. As neoliberal globalism supplants ethnic nationalism as the dominant ideology of the postcolonial world, musical traditions are increasingly reinvented as brands. From a contemporary perspective, the most lasting effects of colonialism on music have arguably been mediated by economics. On the Western side, colonialism contributed substantially to the formation and cultural empowerment of the transnational capitalist class. This process was not restricted to the colonial powers themselves: sugar plantations on Madeira, for example, were financed in part with Genoese capital, while much Portuguese spice revenue flowed through Antwerp (coincidentally an early center of commercial music publishing). Colonial trade drove the growth of cosmopolitan urban cultures in which the bourgeoisie could rub elbows with the aristocracy, absorbing and eventually reshaping its musical traditions. On the non-Western side, colonialism and decolonization overwrote the socioeconomic structures in which traditional music had been embedded. Over the course of five centuries, colonial powers integrated much of the world's population into a single capitalistic economic system, while establishing the nation-state as the primary instrument of governance and identity-formation within this system. As a result, the lives of billions are structured by the same basic institutions: wage labor, state citizenship, and ethnic-national solidarity. Local arrangements and experiences vary dramatically, but the large-scale forms are the same. This has given rise to geocultural trends: the commodification of labor and leisure, for example, has spawned stylistically diverse but structurally similar regional entertainment industries, while the interstate system has molded these industries along national lines. Meanwhile, the very technological and organizational revolutions that made colonialism and globalization possible have changed the ways we experience music. Mechanical reproduction has delinked musical flows from human flows, while digitization has further delinked them from the flows of material goods. Discourses on music – commentary, criticism, scholarship, advertising – have kept pace, increasingly influencing taste across borders.  On the one hand, this has intensified the marketization of musical values and saturated the musical commons, threatening to drown out subaltern voices. On the other hand, it has freed music-as-such from institutional constraints, enabling endlessly creative re-appropriation. If the former exemplifies the neo-colonial threat of musical globalization, perhaps the latter exemplifies its anti-colonial promise. James Rhys Edwards References and further reading Agawu, K. (2003). Representing African Music: Postcolonial Notes, Queries, Positions. Oxon: Routledge. Baker, G. & Knighton, T. (Ed.). (2011). Music and Urban Society in Colonial Latin America. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Barendregt, B. & Bogaerts, E. (Ed.). (2014). Recollecting Resonances: Indonesian-Dutch Musical Encounters. Leiden and Boston: Koninklijke Brill NV. Bellman, J. (Ed.). (1998). The Exotic in Western Music. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Born, G. and Hesmondhalgh, D. (Ed.). (2000). Western Music and its Others: Difference, Representation, and Appropriation in Music. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Chao, H.H. (2009). Musical Taiwan Under Japanese Colonial Rule - A Historical and Ethnomusicological Interpretation. Doctoral dissertation. The University of Michigan. Cox, G. & Stevens, R. (2010). The Origins and Foundations of Music Education: Cross-Cultural Historical Studies of Music in Compulsory Schooling. New York: Continuum. Farrell, G. (1997). Indian Music and the West. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Irving, D.R.M. (2010). Colonial Counterpoint: Music in Early Modern Manila. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kim, J.H. (2013). Korean Primary School Music Education during Japanese Colonial Rule. Doctoral dissertation. Queensland Conservatorium. Manuel, P. (2009). Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Shope, B. (2008). "The Public Consumption of Western Music in Colonial India: From Imperialist Exclusivity to Global Receptivity." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 31(2), 271-289. White, B.W. (Ed.). (2012). Music and Globalization: Critical Encounters. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.