Ancient History

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las inscripciones viarias pertenecientes a Domiciano dentro de la provincia de Asia que, tras la muerte del Emperador, pierden el nombre y la titulatura del Princeps flavio y reciben los de su sucesor, el emperador Nerva, para entender cómo fue aplicada la damnatio memoriae. Asimismo, para valorar el alcance de la damnatio y contextualizar la actuación domicianea se realiza un breve análisis de las inscripciones asiáticas de Domiciano no modificadas por Nerva, así como de las actuaciones políticas de los antecesores del Emperador, su padre Vespasiano y su hermano Tito, en Asia Menor.

En este trabajo tratamos de analizar el abuso y la explotación sexual de la población infantil en la Roma Antigua como un reflejo de las estructuras de dominación y los discursos de sometimiento que funcionan en dicha sociedad. La vulnerabilidad asociada a la infancia, además, es matizada e implementada por otras situaciones relacionadas con el género y el estatus social. Así mismo, tratamos de visibilizar a las niñas como colectivo que sufre dicho tipo de abuso, aunque hayan sido ignoradas por las fuentes y eclipsadas por el estudio de otros fenómenos como la pederastia. Entendemos esta última como una manifestación sexual característica del mundo greco-romano que supone una relación homosexual de carácter erótico entre un adulto y un púber.

Sophistik 10-4 "Aller Dinge Maß ist der Mensch" : die Lehren der Sophisten / Klaus Meister.-Paderborn ; München : Fink, 2010.-327 S. ; 24 cm.-ISBN 978-3-7705-5066-1 : EUR 39.90 [#1650] Die Sophisten haben, seit Platon sie in immer neuen Varianten massiv kriti-siert hatte, weithin einen schlechten Leumund. Sophistik im übertragenen Sin-ne hat pejorative Bedeutungen. Der Begriff bezieht sich dann auf ein willkürli-ches Verhältnis zur Wahrheit, auf die Praxis des rein rhetorischen Stärkerma-chens einer sachlich schwachen Position, wie es exemplarisch auch im Wi-derstreit des stärkeren und des schwächeren Logos in Aristophanes' Wolken präsentiert wird, in dem Fragen der Gerechtigkeit umgebogen werden zu Fra-gen der Überredung und letztlich auch der Gewalt. Im 20.

עיון היסטורי בתקופתו המורכבת של המלך אחז על בסיס מלכים ב פרק טז, ובנסיבות שהובילו לכניעתו כביכול לתגלת פלאסר השלישי. העבודה בוחנת את התיאור השלילי של הדויטורנומיסט על אחז ואת שאלת המקורות של מחבר הפרק. הוגש כחלק מחובות תואר ראשון בהיסטוריה, האוניברסיטה הפתוחה.
The paper tries to reconstruct the background and setting of the surrender of king Ahaz of Judah and described in 2 Kings 16. Did Ahaz really surrender, and if not how did the description in the text come to be. The paper also places in question the negative Deuteronomistic description of Ahaz as a wicked kind and the bringer of Assyria to the borders of Judea.  Written as part of the obligations for a B.A in history.

I საუკუნის რომაელი ავტორის, სექსტუს იულიუს ფრონტინუსის „სტრატაგემები", პროგრამა „ლოგოსის" ფარგლებში გამოქვეყნდა. ეს ამ თხზულების პირველი ქართულენოვანი თარგმანია და ასევე, ანტიკურ სამხედრო ტრაქტატთაგან პირველია, რომელიც ქართულად გამოიცემა.
„სტრატაგემები" მნიშვნელოვანი წყაროა ანტიკური ევროპისა და ახლო აღმოსავლეთის ისტორიის შესასწავლად. მასში თავმოყრილია ცნობები ძველი მსოფლიოს გამოჩენილი სამხედრო მოღვაწეების, ალექსანდრე მაკედონელის, ჰანიბალის, სციპიონის, კეისრის, პომპეუსის და სხვა ცნობილი სარდლების მოღვაწეობაზე, მათ ლაშქრობებზე, ტაქტიკა-სტრატეგიაზე, საველე, საალყო, საზღვაო ბრძოლებზე და წარმოადგენს ერთგვარ ანტიკურ სამხედრო სახელმძღვანელოს, კრებულს, რომლის მიხედვითაც სარდალმა უნდა იხელმძღვანელოს. ქართულენოვან გამოცემას დართული აქვს ვრცელი სამეცნიერო შესავალი და კომენტარები.

This chapter focuses on the therapeutic qualities of literature and literary production in Aelius Aristides’Hieroi Logoi. By offering a comparison between writing and narrating as a basic modality of therapy in medical treatises and in some of the most well-known healing temples and of the Graeco-Roman world, I demonstrate that Aristides is in fact far more mainstream in using rhetoric, literature and music to cure his bodily ailments than we have previously thought. Having said that, the
reader is simultaneously encouraged to notice how exceptional Aristides really is precisely because, although he works with previously well-attested healing practices and commemorative discourses, he elevates them to a whole new level of sophistication and effectiveness.

Ce chapitre s’intéresse aux vertus thérapeutiques de la littérature et de la production littéraire dans les Hieroi logoi d’Aelius Aristide. Écrits et récits constituent des modalités du processus thérapeutique. En comparant les récits des traités médicaux et ceux qu’on trouve dans quelques-uns des plus célèbres temples guérisseurs du monde gréco-romain, je montre qu’Aristide n’est pas si singulier qu’on a voulu le dire quand il utilise la rhétorique, la littérature ou la musique pour soigner les
maladies de son corps. Ceci étant, la lecture d’Aristide invite aussi à constater le caractère exceptionnel de son cas. En effet, bien qu’il s’inscrive dans des traditions antérieures bien attestées de pratiques guérisseuses et de discours commémoratifs, il élève ces deux genres à un tout autre niveau de sophistication et d’efficacité.

Upheaval Dome crater is a good example of how the earth looks like on a much larger scale.->This explains his remarkable name. Upheaval Dome is an impact structure, the deeply eroded bottom-most remnants of an impact crater, in Canyonlands National Parksouthwest of the city of Moab, Utah, in the United States. The crater is located in the Island in the Sky section of the park, and is approximately 42 miles (67 km) by vehicle from Moab.

The Harappan seals contain several linguistic symbols which have not been properly understood so far.Through my works especially- Indus script decipherment breakthrough, PaNameTa-the troy tower weight  and measure system of Harappa, The Harappan Symbol Of 
Man+ Trident And Its Relation To Kausika Visvamitra  And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan Unicorn And The Kalinga Malla MeTas(Tower Weights) , The Harappan Symbol Of  Intersecting Circles And Its Relation  To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), The Harappan Contest Motif Of Nude Man With Six Locks Of Hair Fighting  Two Tigers And Its Relation To The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan symbols of Roots, Nuts And Cocks And Their  Relation    To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), Identification Of KaNva In The Indus Script, Identification Of Troy In The Indus script,Identification Of Barley And Mustard In The Indus Script, Krishna’s Mathura And Dvaraka In The Indus Script, The Pinna In The Indus Script, The Identity Of Vedic Sarasvati And The Location Of Krishna’s Dvaraka, Identification Of Vedic Bharadvaja In The Indus  Script, Krishna’s Dvaraka  In The Indus Script, One Symbol  Of Indus Script Can Tell  A Lot About The Indus Valley Civilisation, The Identity Of Kasyapa In The Indus Valley And Sumeria, Kusa -The Son Of Rama-In Mesopotamia(Sumer),Indus -Sumer Trade, A Few “Copper” Names In The Indus Script, Janaka-King Of Mithila-In The Indus Script,The Vedic Asvins, Yama And Kartikeya In The Indus Script, The Goddess Sarasvati And The Origin Of Brahmi And Kharoshthi, The Origin Of The Roman Aes Grave From The Indus Valley Money, A Solution To The Mystery Of  The Gundestrup  Cauldron, The Eternal Soma Of The Vedas,              Vedic Roots Of Ancient Egyptian Religion, A Veiled Visvamitra Soma Sacrifice  In The New Testament , The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-1:The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-2,
The Punny Plough,The Bearded Kings Of The Ancient,
Bharata -The Language Of The Indus Valley Civilisation,
The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation -3,The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-4,Harappan Vedic Sacrificial Feasts In Mesopotamian Art And In The Bible,The Script of Indus valley Civilisation-6 :A Vrishni Silver Coin And Its Harappan Source,The Script of Indus valley Civilisation-7: The Conversion Of Makha(Sacrifice) To Tanka(Mint) In The Indus Script,Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-8:Vedic Root Of Gudea’s Akshayapatra,Three Men In A Boat Seal Evidence Of Indus –Dilmun Trade,The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-9: The Goodluck Symbols Of The Indus Script, The script of Indus valley civilisation-10:Identification Of The True Vedic Soma From Harappan Seals  Confirms The Indus Valley Civilisation As Vedic, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-11:
Daksha (Soma) Yaaga-The Vedic Eucharist -In The Indus Script , The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-12:
Dāśarājñá And Dasaratha In The Indus Script, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-13:The Silver Palm Seals Are Rosetta Stones Of The Indus Script , Vedic And Sumerian Linguistic Evidences For The Language Of Harappa, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-14:The Difference Of Meluhha And Mlecca,
The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-15:The Shift Of The Capital Of The Vrishnis From Mathura( Kalibangan) To Dvaraka( Mohenjodaro), 6000 Year Old Mehrgarh Wheel Amulet Employs Vedic Script, The Script Of Indus Valley Civilisation-16:Vedic Sarasvati-Ganga Civilisation, The Identity Of The RigVedic Rivers, Mohenjo-daro-The City Of Krishna -

I have shown that several seals contain vedic metrological terms,names of vedic ornaments,names of people, places and gods etc. My perception is that only a comprehensive study of ancient vedic  metrology can decipher the script symbols satisfactorily. A significant find herein is the existence of the Kalinga malla mana system during Harappan times challenging  the common perception of its origin from the later  Kalinga kingdom(Orissa).The unicorn is identified as the pala/nishka/soma/agni.Signs of intersecting circles, fish , crab,bud,tower etc. also indicate pala.The six locks of hair indicate  the paNameTa weight of six barley grains.Roots  and nuts indicate viira bhadra/ Drupada/ varaha/pala.We have located Lord Krishna’s Mathura and Dvaraka in the Indus valley scripts.
We have confirmed Mohenjodaro as the first Dvaraka
on the basis of the inscription on the copperplate B7C2 from there and textual evidences from the Rgveda, Mahabharata etc.We have located PadmakuuTa,one of the
palaces of Krishna there.Also we have identified the Sindhu(Indus) as the Vedic Sarasvati river.We have gone through the symbols  identifying the Bharadvajas,the clan of composers of the earliest vedic texts.In Krishna’s Dvaraka we gathered more details from the script on Lord Krishna’s Dvaraka and Sindhu/Sarasvati. We have looked into the
indications of the Harappan jar symbol with three forks on each edge.We have located  the Kasyapas in Hastinapura
trading with Sumeria.We have decoded the Mari Standard,went deeper into the meanings of several Sumerian images and confirmed Meluhha as Vedic Harappa/Indus valley. We have located Janaka,the king of Mithila,father-in-law of Rama, in the Indus script.We have identified the names of copper in the Indus script and located  the Asvins,Yama and Skanda  in the Indus script.In A Model For Indus Script Decipherment
we have identified the deity in the seal M-1181 and built a model for complete decipherment of the Indus script.
We have seen how  Brahmi and Kharoshthi evolved from the Indus Script and how the Indus script was in use along with Brahmi/Kharoshthi even into the  first centuries CE.We have seen how the coins of the ancient world,including the Roman coins evolved from the Indus valley money.
We have looked for  and located a Rosetta Stone for the Indus script, in the varaha/gadyanaka coin form.
We have gone into the relation of the Druids to the Indus valley civilisation and the role of their  Gundestrup cauldron
in the evolution of Christianity.
We have explored the relation of the Anau seal to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
We have gone into the relationship of the Egyptian and Harappan deities.
We have looked into a beautiful story from the New Testament
invoving  the vedic soma sacrifice in A Veiled Visvamitra Soma Sacrifice In The New Testament.
We have studied  the indications of some of the Indus script symbols with particular reference to their use on ancient coins of India .
We have looked into symbolism of the overflowing vase on the Sumerian statue of Gudea and through it we identified the indications of several Indus symbols including the Harischandra vaajapeya sacrifice.
We have seen how the Harappan glyphs served as goodluck symbols .
The identification of the right vedic soma has two important
aspects:First, it ends the long quest for the mysterious soma. Second,it confirms the Indus valley civilisation as vedic ,beyond any doubt.
We have studied the vedic Daksha Yaaga  and its relation to the soma yaaga.Also we have located  Dāśarājñá and  Dasaratha in the Indus seals.
We have explored the application of the palm seals as further rosetta stones of the Indus script .
We have looked into the claim of mlecca as the language of the Indus valley civilation and concluded that Bharata,not mlecca, was the language of the Indus valley civilisation.
We have gone into the shift of the vedic Yadava clans from the Ghaggar-Hakra(Yamuna) to the Sarasvati(Sindhu) basin.
In another article we have confirmed the river Sindhu as the vedic river Sarasvati and Mohenjodaro as Krishna’s Dvaraka.
In this article we are going into a majestic bull seal.

The Harappan seals contain several linguistic symbols which have not been properly understood so far.Through my works especially- Indus script decipherment breakthrough, PaNameTa-the troy tower weight  and measure system of Harappa, The Harappan Symbol Of 
Man+ Trident And Its Relation To Kausika Visvamitra  And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan Unicorn And The Kalinga Malla MeTas(Tower Weights) , The Harappan Symbol Of  Intersecting Circles And Its Relation  To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), The Harappan Contest Motif Of Nude Man With Six Locks Of Hair Fighting  Two Tigers And Its Relation To The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower Weights), The Harappan symbols of Roots, Nuts And Cocks And Their  Relation    To Kausika Visvamitra And The Kalinga Malla MeTas( Tower  weights), Identification Of KaNva In The Indus Script, Identification Of Troy In The Indus script,Identification Of Barley And Mustard In The Indus Script, Krishna’s Mathura And Dvaraka In The Indus Script, The Pinna In The Indus Script, The Identity Of Vedic Sarasvati And The Location Of Krishna’s Dvaraka, Identification Of Vedic Bharadvaja In The Indus  Script, Krishna’s Dvaraka  In The Indus Script, One Symbol  Of Indus Script Can Tell  A Lot About The Indus Valley Civilisation, The Identity Of Kasyapa In The Indus Valley And Sumeria, Kusa -The Son Of Rama-In Mesopotamia(Sumer),Indus -Sumer Trade, A Few “Copper” Names In The Indus Script, Janaka-King Of Mithila-In The Indus Script,The Vedic Asvins, Yama And Kartikeya In The Indus Script, The Goddess Sarasvati And The Origin Of Brahmi And Kharoshthi, The Origin Of The Roman Aes Grave From The Indus Valley Money, A Solution To The Mystery Of  The Gundestrup  Cauldron, The Eternal Soma Of The Vedas,              Vedic Roots Of Ancient Egyptian Religion  -
I have shown that several seals contain vedic metrological terms,names of vedic ornaments,names of people, places and gods etc. My perception is that only a comprehensive study of ancient vedic  metrology can decipher the script symbols satisfactorily. A significant find herein is the existence of the Kalinga malla mana system during Harappan times challenging  the common perception of its origin from the later  Kalinga kingdom(Orissa).The unicorn is identified as the pala/nishka.Intersecting circles, fish , crab,bud,tower signs also have the same indications.The six locks of hair indicate  the paNameTa weight of six barley grains.Roots  and nuts indicate viira bhadra/ Drupada/ varaha/pala.We have located Lord Krishna’s Mathura and Dvaraka in the Indus valley scripts.
We have confirmed Mohenjodaro as the first Dvaraka
on the basis of the inscription on the copperplate B7C2 from there and textual evidences from the Rgveda, Mahabharata etc.We have located PadmakuuTa,one of the
palaces of Krishna there.Also we have identified the Sindhu(Indus) as the Vedic Sarasvati river.We have gone through the symbols  identifying the Bharadvajas,the clan of composers of the earliest vedic texts.In Krishna’s Dvaraka we gathered more details from the script on Lord Krishna’s Dvaraka and Sindhu/Sarasvati. We have looked into the
indications of the Harappan jar symbol with three forks on each edge.We have located  the Kasyapas in Hastinapura
trading with Sumeria.We have decoded the Mari Standard,went deeper into the meanings of several Sumerian images and confirmed Meluhha as Vedic Harappa/Indus valley. We have located Janaka,the king of Mithila,father-in-law of Rama, in the Indus script.We have identified the names of copper in the Indus script and located  the Asvins,Yama and Skanda  in the Indus script.In A Model For Indus Script Decipherment
we have identified the deity in the seal M-1181 and built a model for complete decipherment of the Indus script.
We have seen how  Brahmi and Kharoshthi evolved from the Indus Script and how the Indus script was in use along with Brahmi/Kharoshthi even into the  first centuries CE.We have seen how the coins of the ancient world,including the Roman coins evolved from the Indus valley money.
We have looked for  and located a Rosetta Stone for the Indus script, in the varaha/gadyanaka coin form.
We have gone into the relation of the Druids to the Indus valley civilisation and the role of their  Gundestrup cauldron
in the evolution of Christianity.
We have explored the relation of the Anau seal to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
We have studied  the vedic soma and its importance  in the life of the Harappans.
We have gone into the relationship of the Egyptian and Harappan deities.
In this article we are looking into a story from the New Testament which will help us understand the nature of the Indus symbols even better.

Un traité anonyme du IVe siècle p.C., le De rebus bellicis, décrit, parmi d’autres nouveautés en matière d’ingénierie militaire, une liburne automotrice. Il s’agit d’un navire de guerre à roues à aubes, dont l’énergie motrice est fournie par des manèges d’animaux. Aucune autre source littéraire ancienne, aucune source archéologique ou iconographique ne témoigne de l’existence de ce système qui a souvent laissé les chercheurs bien dubitatifs. Un des premiers éditeurs modernes du De rebus bellicis, R. Schneider, en 1908, écrit : « Die Liburna ist geradezu verrückt », c’est-à-dire « La liburne est carrément insensée », et, plus récemment, en 1989, A. Giardina considère que si le char à faux, décrit aussi par l’anonyme, aux chapitres 12 à 14, fut d’abord une réalité sur les champs de bataille et ensuite un mythe de l’ingénierie militaire, le navire à roues actionnées par des bœufs fut exactement le contraire : né comme une machine fantastique (« macchina fantastica »), il ne trouva une application réelle qu’avec l’invention de la vapeur. Même un spécialiste des techniques dans l’Antiquité comme J.G. Landels doute que le système ait pu réellement fonctionner. Le propos de cette communication est de montrer que la liburne automotrice décrite dans le De rebus bellicis peut être restituée virtuellement à partir du texte confronté aux connaissances techniques du IVe siècle p.C., que le modèle virtuel fonctionne et qu’il aurait donc pu y avoir des applications pratiques de ce système dès l’Antiquité. L’enjeu est important pour l’histoire des techniques car, si l’hypothèse est exacte, la première propulsion d’un navire par des roues à aubes ne devrait pas être attribuée à Denis Papin à la fin du XVIIe siècle avec un moteur à vapeur (ou à Robert Fulton au début du XIXe siècle pour des modèles opérationnels), mais elle serait à remonter d’au moins treize siècles avec un moteur animal. Nous nous pencherons d’abord sur le texte lui-même, sa fiabilité, les dessins des manuscrits. Nous verrons ensuite, dans l’histoire des techniques, les indices qui permettent d’accréditer l’existence du système. Nous terminerons par une présentation de la restitution virtuelle du système et de son analyse technique.

Comparative research in Classics and Ancient History is a relatively new phenomenon. At present, there is no coherent and systematic methodological paradigm for conducting such research, especially in the field of Graeco-Roman and Chinese comparative studies. This article explores the general state of comparative studies within the discipline of Classics and Ancient History, offers a methodology for conducting new research on Greece/Rome and China, and demonstrates the applicability and usefulness of such an approach.

This paper seeks to expose the Cannibal Hymn (Pyramid Texts, Utterances 273-274) as a research subject, presenting the first academic studies about it. Through a analytical approach of the historical context in which this part of Egyptian tradition was transferred from orality into  a corpus of Egyptian funerary literature, the so called Pyramid Texts, and the key elements of that civilization, this paper investigates how much the text is related to Egyptian day-by-day.

Among the ancients, the regular representation of the built environment on coins was a purely Roman phenomenon.  In the Greek world, architectural representation on coinage was very uncommon; when it did appear it referred directly in some way to the local identity of the issuing state.  Coins of the Persian satrapies only rarely depicted fortifications in conjunction with traditional Persian emblems of royalty and power and temples of the chief deities in the minting city.  The Roman use of the iconography of building was fundamentally different.  From the first occurrence in 135 BC through the late Roman Empire, the architectural image on coins from Rome commemorated or politicized the monument in question.  By the mid-first century BC and into the Imperial period, architecture was commonplace in the repertoire of Roman coin iconography.

The subject of the representation of monuments is one of the most beloved (and belabored) topics in studies of Roman coin iconography.  It is also a theme in dire need of re-exploration.  Appealing to numismatists, archaeologists, topographers and art or architectural historians, architectural representations on Roman coins have been appreciated and studied primarily for the evidence they yield for the appearance or reconstruction of lost monuments. While numismatic representations may provide some evidence for the reconstruction or historical study of Roman monuments, there are a number of methodological problems.  This traditional and often uncritical approach to architectural representations has often treated the images as ‘snapshots’ or ‘blueprints’ of lost monuments, although creating wholly accurate representations of buildings – if the building even existed at the time that the coin was minted – was not the goal of the die engravers or the issuing authorities.  And less frequently have architectural representations been understood in the context of a moneyer’s or an emperor’s wider ideological or visual program as deployed on the coinage.  As a consequence, the actual phenomenon of architectural representation on Roman coinage has been inadequately studied in favor of more myopic considerations. 

Why was Rome the only ancient civilization that habitually depicted built monuments on its coinage?  Why did Greek urban centers with marble-clad monuments and politically charged building programs feature their great monuments on coins only after Roman domination?  What social and cultural developments prompted Roman moneyers in the late second and first centuries BC to depict buildings on coins for the first time?  What circumstances led to the decreasing frequency of architectural coin types in the third and fourth centuries AD until they ultimately disappeared from the Roman coinage in the fifth century?  And why were these late Roman depictions more symbolic in their lack of reference to specific constructions?  These are questions to be explored.  This book departs from the treatment of the images as sources for the appearance of ancient monuments and explores instead the historical, art historical, social, and cultural contexts of the iconography of building on Roman coins as it developed and evolved from its emergence in the late second century BC to its disappearance from the Roman coinage in the fifth century AD.

Uno studio approfondito su Reitia, la somma dea dei Veneti, scoprendo le analogie con le dee solari del Nord-Europa. Attraverso mito e archeologia nuove concezioni ampliano gli orizzonti dell'antropologia dei Veneti antichi. Nove pagine di bibliografia internazionale.

This dissertation attempts to illuminate the enigma of the Seneca whom we see in Tacitus, "Seneca politicus", and his capacity at the Palace. The project thus evaluates the three most accessible sources for both how Nero would have viewed Seneca, and how Seneca presented himself to Nero—Nero’s childhood and education, 'Apocolocyntosis', and 'De clementia'. Assessment of these sources through Nobel Laureate Michael Spence's game-theoretical model of signaling and signal games forms a model of their relationship, which itself becomes the thesis of the dissertation. The thesis contends that, post accession, Seneca engaged Nero in a didactic relationship focusing on philosophy—or, rather, on his own insights into ethical decision-making and morality in interpersonal dealings. But the details surrounding this deduction nuance its interpretation. His presentation of philosophy to Nero smacks of practicality. It is opportunistic, utilizing the philosophically propaedeutic nature of Nero’s education; and his own contribution to the imperial intellect, "clementia", is not convincingly Stoic. Seneca wished to be trusted for his ability to offer advice on interpersonal dealings, and to form acute judgments about other people and their actions.

The book "The Roman wolf and Illyrian serpent. Last struggle" is dedicated to the first war that has engulfed the entire area of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is in its fully documented in the ancient source material. Great Illyrian revolt that broke out in the last decade rule of imperator August, or at the beginning of a new era, was a final break with the prehistoric and protohistoric periods in the Illyrian lands, and then enter the historical period. From the end resistance of rebels in September 9. AD. complete a conflict of Roman and Illyrian world, which started 240 years earlier, in the time of the ancient Republic. The causes of the uprising were primarily economic in nature. As occasion served the order on the mobilization of indigenous youth in the auxiliares. Immediately after the riot, recruited natives spread the rebellion with unprecedented speed. Because of the outbreak and spread of uprising, the Romans had to stop an operation of the final subjugation of Germania west of the river Elbe. The uprising in Illyria, which spawned the creation of a unified military - political alliance of rebellious peoples and theirs polities, for then ruling establishment in Rome represented a great danger. War from 6. AD till 9. AD. involved a large military force of 15 legions, and as many auksilijarnih units, and again returned veterans to service. But despite the enormous military power, only a betrayal of the high-ranking rebel officials led to the accelerated collapse of the Union and the fall of Pannonia. A year later he collapsed resistance in the Dinaric belt."

This paper aims to discuss Kautilya’s perspective of Anvikshiki in the context of Statecraft. The effort has been taken here to understand Kautilyan way of justifying the purpose of Anvikshiki in running state affairs. In general, the term Anvikshiki means Metaphysics or Logical Philosophy and Kautilya justified the addition of the same in the study of statecraft.

Der vorliegender Beitrag behandelt sieben Fälle in denen antiken authentische Geldemissionen von Typ Koson zur Herstellung von Schmuck wiederverwendet wurden.Die Verwendung von antiken griechischen und römischen Münzen für die Anfertigung von Schmuck ist sehr verbreitet aber was die Koson Münzen anbetrifft so sind bis jetzt nur ein paar Fälle bekannt, wo man mit Sicherheit über die Wiederverwendung der Münzen als Bestandteil anderer Güter sprechen kann. Es handelt sich um zwei Ringe, die sich in der Sammlung des Museums der dakischen und römischen Zivilisation in Deva befinden (Taf. I-II), eine Ringmontur aus der Sammlung des Museums für Geschichte und Archäologie des Kreises Prahova (Taf. III/1), zwei perforierte Münzen, die wahrscheinlich als Verwendung von Anhänger für Ketten dienten (Taf. III/2) und zwei Anhänger die letztes Jahr versteigert wurden (Taf. IV). Ich kann zu diesem Zeitpunkt nicht andeuten, ob die zwei Anhänger aus echten antiken Münzen hergestellt wurden, weil es keine metallographischen Analysen gibt, daß das offenbaren könnte, aber im Falle eines der beiden Anhänger (Taf. IV/2) gibt es eine Echtheitsbescheinigung.Mit Sicherheit sind es diese keine Einzelfälle in denen Koson Münzen wiederverwendet wurden aber bisher konnte ich nur diese identifizieren. Es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, daß sich solche Objekte auch in anderen Privatsammlungen befinden über die ich bis jetzt keine Kenntnis habe.Ebenfalls im Betracht gezogen wird auch ein Fußbecher, daß sich in der Sammlung des Kunstmuseums aus Budapest befindet (Taf. V) datiert in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, auf dessen Oberfläche zwei Nachahmungen der Koson Münze zugeklebt sind. Da diese Fallstudie von C. Preda für die Erörterung der Datierung der Koson Münzen in der Renaissance Zeit verwendet wurden habe ich diese Annahme kritisch behandelt und gezeigt, daß das Vorkommen von frühzeitigen Nachahmungen solcher Münzen bereits bestätigt wurde. Das bedeutet aber noch lange nicht, daß alle Koson Münzen, die wir bereits haben in derselben Zeit hergestellt worden sind.Wenn es sich um die Datierung von Schmuck handelt ist die Situation überhaupt nicht einfach, weil man auf viele Aspekte achten muss (Arbeitstechnik, Abnutzungsstufe). Wie im Falle der Koson Münzen mit einfachem Loch, die wahrscheinlich als Kette verwendet wurden, können wir auf keine Informationen hinweisen, weil die Münze seit der Antike und bis in der Gegenwart jederzeit durchlöchert werden konnte. Allerdings, im Fall der zwei Ringen (Taf. I-II) und der Montur (Taf. III/1) steht die Situation ganz anders.Zuallererst muss gesagt werden, daß im Beschreibungszettel, das auf der Webseite des Nationalinstituts für Kulturerbe (dem Kulturministerium untergeordnet) verfügbar ist, die zwei Ringe für die zweite Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts datiert wurden. Ich weiß nicht welche Kriterien es waren, die zu dieser Meinung geführt haben aber in der Presse des Jahres 1890 habe ich eine Anzeige identifiziert in der über den Verkauf von Schmuckstücke die Rede war das von einem Goldschmied aus Hermannstadt hergestellt wurde und das auch antike Münzen enthielt. Die Münzen waren aber keine Kosons sondern sie stammen aus der römischen Zeit, aus der Zeit des Königs Gordian I., wobei sie fast in der Zeit als die Anzeige veröffentlicht wurde entdeckt worden sind.Und weil es wahrscheinlich damals eine Gewohnheit war solche Funde an Goldschmieden zu verkaufen und auf Grund des Goldrausch`s das anfangs des 19. Jahrhunderts in Sarmizegetusa Regia existierte wurde die Datierung der zwei Ringe des Museum aus Deva für die zweite Hälfte des selben Jahrhunderts vorgeschlagen. Oder vielleicht wurden sie damals vom Museum aufgenommen.Nach der Auswertung anderer Ringe, habe ich festgestellt, daß die antiken, griechischen, römischen und auch barbarischen Münzen als Bestandteil von Schmuck bereits im Altertum verwendet wurden. Deshalb ist es schwer festzustellen wann die Ringe aus der Sammlung aus Deva angefertigt worden sind. Zudem muss ich noch erwähnen, daß ein ähnlicher Ring Typ wie der von Taf. I, sowohl in der römischen Zeit, im Mittelalter als auch in der Frühzeit angefertigt werden konnte. Ebenso der Ring von Taf. II hat Analogien im Mittelalter und in der Renaissance.Allerdings bin ich der Meinung, daß diese Ringe in einer Zeit der Wiederentdeckung der antiken Zivilisation angefertigt worden sind und deshalb habe ich ihre Datierung für die erste Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts vorgeschlagen. Im Falle der Ringmontur aus der Sammlung des Museums in Prahova bemerkt man die gleiche Vorgangsweise bei der Polierung der Münzen auch bei einem Ring, der sich im Museum in Deva befindet. So gehe ich davon aus, daß sie in der gleichen Zeit angefertigt wurden und möglicherweise auch von derselben Werkstatt.

Desk-Based Assessment focused on the archaeological potential of Little John's Farm, Reading as the Reading Festival site. Part of the University of Reading's Imaginary Archaeology Outreach project, in conjunction with Reading Museum's Festival 50 celebrations in 2021.

This document has been compiled by Bunny Waring as a teaching resource and should not be used in the public domain without written permission by the author or the University of Reading.

RESUMEN: El propósito del presente trabajo es subrayar la presencia de visiones alternativas sobre la muerte en la filosofía clásica griega y cómo ésta es definida como separación alma y cuerpo en la polémica entre monistas y dualistas. Se concluye que el dualismo de Platón se opone férreamente al monismo porque lo considera incompatible con la justicia. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is highlight the presence of alternative views on death in Classical Greek Philosophy and the way how death is defined as the separation between body and soul in the polemic between monists and dualists. It is concluded that Plato's own dualism is adamantly opposed to monism because he believes it is incompatible with cosmic justice.

This paper is the first study to map the transmission of the Appendices to the Lex Ro-mana Visigothorum. Based on full collations of all (8+3) known witnesses, it establishes the stemma codicum for the Appendices, which differs markedly from the stemma of the LRV text in the same MSS. Furthermore, the philological analysis shows that Appendix 3 is not so much a legal dossier as it is a medieval attempt to fill a lacuna, whereas the composite nature of Appendix 1 (= 1a+b) still leaves us with three Appendices. Moreover, Krüger and Mommsen were mistaken to claim that Vat. Reg. lat. 1128 and Hincmar of Reims relied on the Appendices. Finally, MS Berlin lat. fol. 270 must have been copied from MS Ivrea XXXV (17), which goes against palaeographers' communis opinio about their relative dating.

For the individuals who wants a practical guide on how to reconstruct Ancient Greek fighting men. Useful to the enthusiast, the film and show maker or the student of the experimental archaeology. Written by a scholar with practical experience on the subject in a simple way to be understood by everyone.

The wreck of the Uluburun offers the possibility of understanding the dynamics of trade in the Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age. In the first part of the paper, the approaches that have been proposed about the destination, function and origin of the vessel are analysed. Secondly, the small objects that were transported and which tend to be “forgotten” are examined. The study of these objects can provide answers to dynamics and commercial interests or policies, the exchange of ideas and shared manifestations of devoutness in the Eastern Mediterranean that can be considered in some respects as a cultural koiné at the end of the Bronze Age.