Classical philology

– Augustine's and Jerome's letters provide one of the most exciting correspondences of ancient Christianity. The first personal contact was initiated by Augustine, who disapproved of Jerome's point of view, especially regarding the estimation of the importance of the Septuaginta and the interpretation of one of the parts of the Galata letter. As Jerome received the letters sent to Bethlehem late and in a roundabout way, the monk living in his monastery in Bethlehem interpreted the bishop's letters as an attack. Therefore he passionately rejected them. In his letters, Jerome makes a sharp contrast between himself and the bishop of Hippo. This study aims to explore whether Jerome's self-portrait reflects reality or whether he was driven by rhetoric and literary intentions in creating this diptichon.

This paper wants to demonstrate the not casual similarity between Plautus'Asinar-ia 205 and Terence's Andria 545 arguing for the possibility that Plautus'Asinaria 205 was interpolated. Diàbolo desidererebbe trascorrere un'altra notte d'amore con Filenio, figlia di Cleereta, la lena. Pur-troppo non ha abbastanza soldi per appagare il suo desiderio e dunque viene lasciato alla porta. La sua rabbia trova sfogo verbale, prima in un monologo e poi in dialogo con la stessa Cleereta: il tono lamentoso ed enfatico di Diàbolo è facilmente sopraffatto dalla logica utilitaristica della lenona. Ai vv. 204-207 Diàbolo le rimprovera incoerenza verbale: ora che lui non ha più un soldo, lei parla in modo ben diverso da allora quando le dava il denaro, diverso da allora quando cercava di raggirarlo con dolci e benevole parole. Di seguito si dà il testo di Leo 1895: aliam nunc mi orationem despoliato praedicas, longe aliam inquam praebes nunc atque olim quom dabam, 205 aliam atque olim quom illiciebas me ad te blande ac benedice. tum … Si tratta di una sezione di settenari trocaici; il v. 205 presenta qualche difficoltà di ordine metrico: se si accetta così come tràdito, bisogna ammettere due iati, certamente non frequenti in tr 7 (longe | aliam | inquam). Hurka (2010, 122) li giustifica su base contestuale, al fine cioè di isolare e dunque enfatizzare aliam. In alternativa, se non si ammette iato, il verso manca di un piede e si rende ne-cessario emendare: <linguam> praebes Vahlen (1882, 277), inquam <orationem> nunc Leo (1895, in app.), inquam <iniqua> praebes Danese (2004). Alcuni editori, invece, seguono Fleckeisen (1859) nell'espunzione del verso: questa drastica decisione, seguita per esempio da Ussing, Goe-tz/Loewe e Bertini, è giustificata anche sulla base della generale fattura del verso, una sorta di doppione esplicativo di 204. In effetti il v. 205 sembra non essere altro che un'aggiunta mal riuscita per rendere più esplicita l'opposizione fra presente e passato: se infatti si leggono i versi senza 205, mancherebbe, per così dire, un termine di opposizione: ora Cleereta si comporta male perché Diàbolo è ormai senza quat-trini (despoliatus), un tempo si comportava in ben altro modo … ma il perché, ovvero che Diàbolo un tempo era in grado di pagare, mancherebbe. Questa 'lacuna' si giustifica, però, nell'ottica argo-mentativa di Diàbolo, il cui scopo è di mettere in enfasi solo la prima delle due opposizioni, mentre costituisce nell'ottica di un generico copista/rieditore un ottimo stimolo di interpolazione. Scialbo

From pragmatical point of view there are three ways to read the Bible. The first, here called philological or analytical, has been cultivated in the Bible departments of continental theological schools since the Enlightenment.  According to it, the Bible is to be read like any other ancient document. To Interpret it  means to reconstruct its original meaning(s)  using the tools of the historical-critical method (Biblia a se). In contrast to it, the theological way of reading the Bible understands the Bible as a part of the tradition of a believing community. As such, it is to be read synthetically or holistically, on the tacit assumption of its general consent with -- or even normative function for --  the teaching of the believing community (Biblia pro nobis).  Finally, the spiritual way of reading the Bible represents an existential appropriation of a particular biblical text by an individual reader (Biblia pro me).
As this study argues,  each one of the three ways of reading the Bible is motivated by different question and yields different results. Yet they complement each other and all three belong to the repertoire of responsible theological exegesis.

"Latijnse morfologie" bevat een volledige bespreking van de verbuigingen en vervoegingen van het klassieke Latijn. Ook talrijke relevante uitzonderingen en bijzonderheden die in vele schoolboeken onvermeld blijven, komen aan bod. Bijzondere aandacht wordt besteed aan de ontwikkelingen in het postklassieke Latijn.

The concept of the gentleman amateur was, and remains, an important aspect of upper and middle-class Victorian and Edwardian male identity. Although he remains a significant literary presence, the form and length of time the gentleman amateur remained a cultural influence in society is contested.                                                     

This article examines one realm of this social constructs influence - sport - in terms of the social and philosophical origins of these titles, what they meant in practice and the repercussions their use had on class cultures, British (English) sporting values and success. It proposes that the gentleman amateur - despite the long-term damage inflicted by such men - remains a major philosophical, ideological and physical influence upon British sport today.

Hint-Avrupa dil ailesinin üyesi olan Eski Yunanca, çeşitli lehçelere ayrılan çok zengin bir antik dildir. Eski Yunan - Latin dilleri ve edebiyatları öğrencileri ve araştırmacılarının yanı sıra Eskiçağ Tarihi, Klasik Arkeoloji, Yunan - Latin Epigrafyası, Antik Felsefe, Çağdaş Yunanca bilim dallarında öğrenim görenler ve araştırma yapanlar için, ayrıca Hukuk, Tıp, Eczacılık, Biyoloji gibi bilim dallarının terminolojisi açısından büyük önem taşıyan Eski Yunanca'nın öğrenilmesi ve kullanılmasında sözlüklerin özel bir yeri vardır. Osmanlı Dönemi'nde Darülfünun'un eğitim programlarında yer almayan, ilk kez Cumhuriyet Dönemi'nde Ulu Önder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün öngörü, arzu ve girişimleriyle Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi'nde, ardından İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi'nde öğretilmeye başlayan Eski Yunanca bugün başta Ankara, İstanbul, Ege ve Akdeniz Üniversitelerimizin Eskiçağ Dilleri ve Kültürleri bölümleri olmak üzere çeşitli üniversitelerimizde zorunlu ya da seçmeli ders olarak öğretilmektedir. Eski Yunanca'nın ülkemizde yaklaşık 70 yıllık bir geçmişinin olmasına karşılık, şimdiye değin, Prof. Dr. Suat Sinanoğlu'nun 1953 yılında basılan, Kelimelerin Etymonu Esas Tutularak Tertiplenen Yunanca-Türkçe Sözlük adlı, bugün tükenmiş durumdaki etimolojik sözlüğü dışında Eski Yunanca'dan Türkçe'ye bir sözlük yayımlanmamıştır. Yaklaşık 20.000 maddeden oluşan, elinizdeki Eski Yunanca-Türkçe Sözlük, yazarın İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi'nde uzun yıllardan beri vermekte olduğu Eski Yunanca derslerinin kendisine kazandırdığı deneyimle, öncelikle öğrencilerin gereksinimleri göz önünde tutularak hazırlanmıştır. Uzun soluklu bir çalışmanın ürünü ve gerek amacı gerek kapsamıyla ülkemizde bir ilk olan Eski Yunanca-Türkçe Sözlük'ün, alanındaki büyük boşluğun doldurulmasına katkı sağlaması hedeflenmektedir.

https://www.habelt.de
Nováková, L. 2019. Greeks who dwelt beyond the sea: people, places, monuments.  Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie 333. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt. ISBN 978-3-7749-4216-5.
The Greek civilization, whose legacy remains visible to the present day, developed in several places on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The Greeks often came into contact with different, sometimes significantly older and more developed cultures that helped them to advance in the sciences, arts and trade. One such crossroads of civilizations was Anatolia, a land that was the literal meeting place of east and west with an incredibly diverse population. This was reflected in the diversity of its cultures, languages and religions. There is a growing volume of new research – papers, articles and monographs – aimed at determining at least in part how these ancient societies defined themselves. The answer to this relatively complex question can only be sought in the written and archaeological evidence. We can get to know the Hellenes from written sources and their unique artistic heritage, while grave art helps to fill in the rich mosaic of their Anatolian neighbors. The term “Greeks dwelling beyond the sea” is a paraphrase of the name for the Greeks in foreign sources (Yaunā), which referred to the inhabitants of the distant lands beyond the western frontier of the Persian Empire. In this case, the term refers to the Greeks who crossed the Aegean Sea and settled on the Anatolian mainland and nearby islands.
https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2020/2020.09.34/

There are many depictions of eating in Roman literature - satires and parodies, but also memories or wise pieces of advice. These descriptions are often accompanied by positive or negative assessments of the quality and quantity of the food.  What is too expensive and what is too cheap for a feast, and how much food is too much? The article brings together various opinions of the Roman authors on these questions.

La querela inofficiosi testamenti no conocía del litisconsorcio. Cuando había más de un coheredero forzoso, cada uno de ellos interponía su acción independientemente de los otros, con el objetivo de conseguir la cuota hereditaria que le correspondía en virtud de la sucesión intestada. Normalmente cada querelante ejercía su derecho de acción, por la propia cuota hereditaria. Nos preguntamos aquí si el querellante que accionaba podía acrecer su cuota si era así notorio el repudio de la querela por parte de uno o más coherederos. Los pasajes del Digesto parecen dar respuestas contradictorias y la doctrina moderna sospecha que existía una controversia en el derecho (ius controversum). Sobre la base de dos escolios de los Basílicos se intenta demostrar que las divergentes conclusiones de los juristas estaban referidas a distintos casos. La exégesis de los textos sugiere finalmente algunas reflexiones sobre la acción de los compiladores de Justiniano.

This paper focuses on Thus Spoke Zarathustra’s main religious sources, especially the Persian Avesta. On the one hand, it shows how Nietzsche had a deep knowledge of the prophet Zoroaster, and, on the other hand, how the latter was considered a relevant figure in Nietzsche’s time. It turns out that there are striking correspondences between Nietzsche’s Zarathustra and the Avesta, which also demonstrates Nietzsche’s intercultural approach to his studies, ranging from philosophy, religion to literature.

Named after the youngest of the Parcae, Clotho got its name after the deity responsible for spinning the thread of life; thus the journal seeks to create a new space of creativity, exploration, and learning in the field of classical studies. Wilamowitz famously defined classical scholarship “by its subject-matter – Graeco-Roman civilization in its essence and in every facet of its existence.” Following in those footsteps, Clotho welcomes exploring Greek and Latin language – lexicography, grammar, and the broader issues of linguistics. It seeks to investigate the traditional fields of classical studies, literature, textual criticism, rhetoric, philosophy, and history; as well as archaeology, numismatics, epigraphy, papyrology, and paleography. Above all, the journal is committed to the idea of interdisciplinarity. As such, it accepts antiquity-related contributions from the spheres of art, music, science, religion, and law; as well as the classical tradition and classical reception, history of classical scholarship, and last but foremost, translation.

In this paper, Nussbaum’s interpretation of Lucretius's Epicureanism is studied. We want to know whether Nussbaum uses, transforms or manipulates Lucretius’s thoughts to form a theory of her own. After some preliminary remarks (CHAPTER 1), we begin with a general presentation of Lucretius’s life and philosophy (CHAPTER 2). Since his work came to us in its entirety, we can conclude that he added a certain individuality to the teachings of Epicurus. Next, we focus upon the life and the academic position of Martha C. Nussbaum (CHAPTER 3). In addition, we give an introduction to the book that will have a central position in this paper, namely The Therapy of Desire.

The corpus consists of the presentation of Nussbaum's view on the Epicureanism of Lucretius (CHAPTER 4). It starts with the discussion of the medical analogy. Moreover, we show how Nussbaum relates the covered topics (being the passionate love, the paralyzing agony and the aggressive anger) to one another. Then we zoom in on Nussbaum's  interpretation of Lucretius' theory about the agony and on how she eventually creates a revised therapy of her own. Here, we see that, whereas she does present some authentic Lucretian thoughts, she nevertheless also manipulates Lucretius’ text to fit with her thoughts. Eventually, she moderates the Lucretian therapy in order to suit her own vision of life.

Finally, we will have a look at the way Nussbaum's interpretation and approach are received by the academic world (CHAPTER 5). In addition to praise, she also received criticism for her discussion of Lucretius. Some researchers have a problem with the way Nussbaum defends the arguments attributed to Lucretius, while others blame her for interpreting selectively. We end up with a tentative evaluation of our own, where we try to formulate some own pro- and contra arguments (CHAPTER 6). Eventually, we can conclude that Nussbaum, although she declares many times how much respect she has for the Hellenistic philosophy schools, often uses and transforms their ideas to support her own theories.

Analysis of the evolution of the use of the words Hellene, gentile, and pagan, when combined with the study of a few representative figures in Roman history, illuminates how notions of personal and group identity shifted from blood relations to civic relations and then to religious identification. The etymological analysis supporting this view is presented in the first half of the essay. The second half connects linguistic evolution to the confluence of Greek philosophy and Eastern mysticism, as exemplified in the beliefs of emperors Marcus Aurelius and Julian the Apostate.

La présente contribution propose une nouvelle interprétation de l’Abrégé de Justin, au-delà des mauvais jugements sur la qualité de son travail, et remet en question les hypothèses selon lesquelles la sélection du matériel de Trogue Pompée s’est effectuée au hasard et la série d’erreurs est la preuve de la pauvreté des moyens intellectuels de Justin. L’analyse de la manière dont Justin sélectionne le texte de Trogue montre que cette sélection n’était pas irrationnelle ; Justin a plutôt suivi un ensemble de critères identifiables. Bien que la connexion et la corrélation des anecdotes ne répondent pas à des critères strictement historiographiques, leur arrangement est néanmoins articulé de manière cohérente selon une structure début/développement/fin. Si Justin n’est pas intéressé par l’histoire, mais par la scène singulière, la conséquence évidente est qu’il pensait à un lectorat qui trouvait dans cette forme de compendium une réponse adéquate à ses propres exigences – une considération qui contribuera à l’établissement d’une chronologie pour l’Abrégé.

1. Moral precepts and society 2. Athenian society and government 3. The moral image of the Athenian democracy 4. Representations and distortions 5. The structure of conflicts 6. Revenge and punishment 7. The coercive power of the state 8. Transformations of cruelty 9. Interactions with the divine 10. The growth of communal feeling.

No full title for the historical-linguistic compendium of Sextus Pompeius Festus can be found in his manuscript tradition, because the first half of the Codex Farnesianus, the only organic witness of this work, has been missing since it was discovered in 1457. Festus’ text was an abridged version of De verborum significatu, the extensive treatise of Verrius Flaccus, and was subsequently abridged during the early Middle Ages by Paul the Deacon in an epitome known as De verborum significatione. These two titles and the lack of a reliable formulation for Festus’ work brought about variations in the head titles used throughout its entire editorial history. This phenomenon began to emerge during the Renaissance, when some scholars appear not only to have perceived semantic differences between Paul’s epitome and the Codex Farnesianus, but also attempted to represent these in the title. The purpose of this study is to investigate the reasons behind the different Renaissance titles for Festus, which could offer an interesting overview on how this author was perceived in the history of Classical tradition.