Diplomacy

The paper examines the nexus among the concepts of democracy, globalisation and technology, arguably the three most interdependent notions affecting the way and speed in which global dynamics and diplomatic practises were transformed. It analyses the evolution of non-state actors' engagement in multilateral processes between the Stockholm Conference in 1972 and the Rio+20 Conference in 2012. The experience of the Major Group for Children and Youth (MGCY) at the Rio+20 Conference is introduced as a case study to illustrate the practical application of the nexus and its impact on stakeholder engagement. The analysis recognises that the nexus offers a real opportunity to improve diplomacy means and practices and encourage further exploration into the nexus’ full potential.

This study concerns itself with the first Imperial Envoy Gerard Veltwijck (ca. 1500—1555), who negotiated with the Ottoman Sultan Süleymān. Using newly discovered as well as recently published sources, it will focus on the part this diplomat of Charles V played in the negotiations with the Sublime Porte and on the considerable problems the French King and his representatives in Istanbul experienced during the talks. The Most Christian King thus became a victim of his ambivalent foreign policy while his alliance with the Sultan experienced a severe crisis. Finally, this study tries to demonstrate the impact of a diplomatic sojourn in the Levant for the envoy, as such a mission was very often followed by a considerable and far from only financial reward.

La France et l'Iran : entre attirance stratégique et rupture idéologique

Du point de vue des révolutionnaires khomeynistes iraniens, la France est un pays de type « petit Satan » (sheytân koutchik), une catégorie à mettre en perspective avec le statut de « grand Satan » (sheytân bozorg) réservé aux Etats-Unis ; pour les élites politiques de la République islamique, ce statut se justifie avant tout par le non-respect par la France de l’accord Eurodif et par le soutien de Paris à Saddam Hussein pendant la guerre Iran-Irak (1980-1988). Cette vision caricaturale de ce que représente la France et de son comportement sur la scène internationale s’inscrit en contrepoint de la perception réductrice qu’ont les néoconservateurs français de l’Iran. Selon eux, l’agressivité et l’intransigeance sont les éléments indispensables à la mise en œuvre d’une diplomatie iranienne lucide et efficace. Cette posture politique est étayée par des experts français qui réduisent l’ensemble de la politique iranienne de la France à une stratégie d’endiguement (containment) nucléaire. 

Allant encore plus loin, François Heisbourg estime que « la paix et la guerre nucléaires dans le monde dépendent de l’avenir des ambitions nucléaires iraniennes ». Ce prisme nucléaire réduit à néant toute autre proposition de définition de l’intérêt national français s’agissant des relations avec Téhéran. Les impératifs économiques, géopolitiques (stabilisation de l’Irak et de l’Afghanistan) ou de sécurité énergétique (notamment concernant le secteur gazier) ne sont donc plus des critères permettant de définir, de manière équilibrée, avec le dossier nucléaire, la stratégie française vis-à-vis de l’Iran. Il s’agit au contraire de lutter idéologiquement contre ce que Bruno Tertrais appelle « le double révisionnisme » iranien qui concernerait la Shoah et l’utilisation de la bombe nucléaire (Hiroshima). 

Cette perception réductrice des enjeux iraniens s’est plus particulièrement imposée parmi les élites politiques en France au lendemain de l’accession de Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005) et de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007) à la présidence de leur pays respectif.

This chapter provides a historical background to the present book and contributes to the international literature about the RoC by exploring the important drivers behind the country’s foreign policy, from 1960 to 2004. These drivers encompass not only the unfolding of the Cyprus Problem and important international developments but also the concepts of national survival and prosperity. The present overview is done through the prism of the RoC’s relations with international organisations and adopts a
thematic structure to tie together the drivers behind the RoC’s alignment (or not) with key international organisations. This approach accommodates the better understanding of the country’s international orientation at various periods of its Modern History.

The rough text, in English language, of the student seminar delivered at the Banja Luka Political Science Department - April 2013.
The seminar explains the key parameters of the US foreign policy in terms of a 'ritual identity' that's based on three narratives or narrative-frames
(the frames figure as frequently recurring, behavior-shaping cultural matrices):
1.  Power as a Divine Grace.
2.  Puritan narrative - a hero of  a 'promised/free land'
3.  'Pioneer' - a hero in a land of continually expanding and moving boundaries (Manifest Destiny)
The seminar illustrates such an analysis of US foreign political vocabulary with many examples from American self-descriptions (official talks, memoirs, diplomatic notes, presidential speeches....), and enumerates some key consequences of the thus explained identity in its foreign political projection.

Le Royaume ambitionne d’être reconnu comme une puissance africaine émergente dans son identité comme dans son espace de projection. Afin de satisfaire ces ambitions, l’appareil diplomatique se développe et se modernise, tandis qu’une identité de rôle singulière émerge autour de la notion de « juste milieu ». Cette étude présente, sur le plan empirique, les conditions de l’élaboration et de la conduite de cette politique africaine, et analyse, sur le plan théorique, l’évolution de l’identité de rôle marocaine à l'échelle internationale.

"Words and Phrases, Unchanged for Centuries.

Containing a rich glossary and in excess of 300 words and phrases, the texts demonstrate the strength of the Macedonian language through preservation.

Following is a comparison of sentences between the texts and the Macedonian
dialect of Bitola as spoken today.

16th cent., Kostur dialect
21st cent., Bitola dialect

Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostavi ni da spime, ela da jame, i da pieme, dol da pojdime, da rabotime.
Gospodine, brate, da si zdrav, da si prost, ostai ne da spiame, ela da jaime, i da piame, dolu da pojdime, da rabotime.

Imate hljap-o da kupime, imate vino da kupime, ot koja strana da pojdime vo
Bogasko.
Imate lep da kupime, imate vino da kupime, od koja strana da pojdime vo
Bogatsko.

As can be clearly noticed, most of the vocabulary and grammar is identical.
All of the elements that would later be required to rejuvinate the Macedonian people as they were shaking off centuries of subjugation, were present during this period. The language of the people had solidified, a tradition of heraldry and symbolism had developed which incorporated the emblem of a rapant lion and historical figures from Macedonia's past, and the churches continued preserve the local customs and serve as cultural centres for the population. The significance of all these elements together cannot be overstated, the language of medieval Macedonia is the same as the language of the Macedonians today. Unfortunately, only a small portion of the larger amount of Macedonian literature from the Middle Ages has survived, much of it being looted and destroyed by Greek-speaking officials, clerics and teachers. Nevertheless, Macedonian as a language reached its current form centuries before the creation of the Balkan states in the 19th and 20th centuries. "

The paper deals with the use of multimedia DVDs as tool for training diplomats, civil servants, NGO activist and journalists on specialized topics of current international affairs.  It suggests how a multimedia DVD may be conceived, which elements it should contain, and how it may be used for self- learning. It offers, as an illustration of the pedagogical use of multimedia, a list of DVDs and other audiovisual documents produced and available on Internet in the form of Webstreaming.

The Iliad is the story of Achilles’ journey through anger. Over the epic, Achilles undergoes a continual process of transformation, and as he does, the world changes around him. His anger unleashes the fiery beast of war and creates a spectacle of destruction. However, as Achilles awakens to the immense personal and social cost of his anger, the spectacle begins to transform. In place of rage, compassion and humanity come forth and the fires of war are replaced by the cathartic flames of the hearth and the funeral pyre. In this thesis I chart this journey by analysing Achilles’ communicative acts: his use of speech and action, across the epic. Through examining his communication and the ways in which others communicate with him, subtle but important changes are revealed. These changes in communication reflect the transformation that takes place within Achilles and are instrumental in generating change in the world around him. My interpretation of Achilles’ use of speech draws on insights from contemporary cognitive psychology, especially the work of Martin Seligman. My work on communication is also influenced by a range of contemporary strategic studies theorists who consider a wide range of non-verbal acts that have an important communicative function, including gestural and performative acts of violence. In charting Achilles’ transformation, we also gain a glimpse into the poet’s view of the elemental and personal dynamics that lie behind the creation of war and peace. Whilst a necessary part of the mortal condition, conflict, suffering and death are shown to hold within them the vital forces of change, and to reveal the nature of humanity itself.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

This paper is on the Bismarck Plan.  The premise of this plan was to unify all the German principalities under Prussian rule.  Once that was accomplished Bismarck adjusted his plan using treaties and alliances with other countries in Europe to keep war away from Germany for as long as possible or at least until Germany was ready militarily or diplomatically to defend herself. 
    In order to better understand where the idea of Bismarck’s Plan came from, the origin of the ideas of nationalism and unification must first be discussed.  No discussion on German unification would be complete without some background on Bismarck, not so much a biography of him, but more to give an idea of his thought process.  The three wars of unification and their impact upon Europe along with each particular alliance and treaty that was made between Germany and the other European powers is central to Bismarck’s plan.  Some of these alliances and treaties directly involved Germany and some indirectly involved Germany.  Each will be analyzed to see how they interrelate, and Bismarck’s role.  Bismarck’s plan fell apart quickly after he left office. 
    From all of this it will be clear that Bismarck did indeed have a plan or a purpose if you will.  The plan was not written down nor was it stated by Bismarck, if anything it was kept in his head.  The purpose and the results of the plan are very clear in how fast Germany rose to prominence in Europe without really any threat of a major war.  The Prussians were able to fight three minor wars without involving the entire continent.  This is a testament to Bismarck and the goals that he set for Prussia and then Germany.

In the age of disruption and in today’s platform society (Van Dijck et al., 2019), communication between nation states is influenced by the development of technology. The nation state is responding to the new communication environment through “techplomacy” and through the use of Artificial Intelligence as a strategic asset in the global tech race. Artificial Intelligence (AI), including the strategies to come up with viable AI, has a big potential for nation branding, being also a competitive advantage for countries worldwide. In this context, the aim of our research is to investigate technology as a soft power (Nye, 2004) instrument for Romania and to analyze how the nation brand is constructed in relation to technology. In doing so, our research revolves around the Artificial Intelligence (AI) Strategy for Romania, presented at the IT&C Summit on May 8, 2019, and 50 news articles, published in the quality press (Adevărul, Gândul, România Liberă) employing mixed methods such as fra...

Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and coordinated policies in cooperation with the leading emerging-market economies. As a result, the G-20 turned into the main forum for managing the crisis. This in fact pointed to an early institutional acknowledgement that important changes were underway in the global distribution of power. These changes derive from the substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies, a trend named ‘the rise of the rest’ (Zakaria, 2008, pp. 2–3).

1914–1991 arası dönemi analiz eden “Diplomasi Tarihi II” kitabını yazmaya bizi yönlendiren en temel faktör kısa bir süre içinde üç baskı yapan  “Diplomasi Tarihi I” kitabımıza meslektaşlarımızdan ve öğrencilerimizden gelen olumlu eleştirilerdir.
Bize doğru yolda olduğumuzu gösterdiğiniz ve ışık tuttuğunuz için sonsuz teşekkür ederiz.
Umarız bir devam kitabı niteliğinde olan bu eserimizde diplomasi tarihi / siyasi tarih / uluslararası ilişkiler tarihi / dünya tarihi üzerine kısa bir zaman içinde hızlı fakat doğru bilgiler edinmek isteyenlerin yanı sıra başta KPSS, lisansüstü giriş sınavları, doktora yeterlik, doçentlik olmak üzere birçok sınava hazırlananlara fayda sağlayacaktır. 8 Bölüm üzerinden oluşturulan kitabın ana başlıkları şöyledir:
1. Bölüm: 1. Dünya Savaşı’nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
2. Bölüm : İki Savaş Arası Dönemdeki Olayların Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
3. Bölüm : 2. Dünya Savaşı’nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
4. Bölüm : 1945–1955: Soğuk Savaş’ın İlk Yıllarında Diplomasi
5. Bölüm : 1955–1962: İstikrarsız Karşıtlık Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
6. Bölüm : 1962–1979: Détente (Yumuşama) Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
7. Bölüm : 1979–1985: İkinci Soğuk Savaş Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
8. Bölüm: 1985-1991: Soğuk Savaş’ın Son Yıllarında Diplomasi
Çok uzun bir sürecin ürünü olan bu çalışmada bizlere yazıları ile destek olan tüm meslektaşlarımıza hem fotoğraf ve harita bularak hem de dil ve anlatım yönünde düzeltme yaparak katkı sağlayan araştırma görevlilerine, Diplomasi Araştırmaları Derneği’nin stajyerlerine ve öğrencilerimize içten teşekkür ederiz.
Kitaba yazıları ile katkı veren hocalarımız alfabetik sıra ile şöyledir:

A. Burak DARICILI: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Bursa Teknik Üniversitesi
Ali Servet ÖNCÜ: (Doç. Dr.) Atatürk Üniversitesi
Atasay ÖZDEMİR: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Milli Savunma Üniversitesi
Barış ÖZDAL: (Prof. Dr.)                      Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Fatma Zeynep ÖZKURT: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Nişantaşı Üniversitesi
Fırat PURTAŞ: (Prof. Dr.)                      Hacı Bayram-ı Veli Üniversitesi
Kader ÖZLEM: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                  Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Kamuran REÇBER: (Prof. Dr.)                    Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Mehmet Sait DİLEK: (Doç. Dr.)              Atatürk Üniversitesi
Murat JANE: (Ar. Gör.)                                Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
R. Kutay KARACA: (Prof. Dr.)                  İstanbul Aydın Üniversitesi
Öner AKGÜL: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                Ahi Evran Üniversitesi
Seçil ÖZDEMİR: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                Bartın Üniversitesi
Serhat ERKMEN: (Doç. Dr.)                  Jandarma ve Sahil Güvenlik Akademisi
Sezgin KAYA: (Doç. Dr.)                              Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Sibel TURAN: (Prof. Dr.)                            Trakya Üniversitesi

                                    Prof. Dr. Barış ÖZDAL
                                    Prof. Dr. R. Kutay KARACA

Ο Καποδίστριας συγκέντρωσε γύρω του και συνεργάστηκε με επιφανείς προσωπικότητες του ελληνορθόδοξου κόσμου στην υπηρεσία της Ρωσικής Αυτοκρατορίας, οι οποίες συνέβαλαν στην δημιουργία του νεοελληνικού κράτους πολλαπλώς. Ανάμεσα σε αυτές ξεχωρίζουν  δύο για την συμβολή τους στην δημιουργία μίας αποδεκτής από την Ευρώπη θεώρησης της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης. Ο Αλ. Στούρτζας συνέβαλε τα μέγιστα με τα βιβλία του στο να θεμελιωθεί η νομιμότητα της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης και να εξασφαλιστεί η αποδοχή της στην Κεντρική ιδίως Ευρώπη. Ο λιγότερο γνωστός, αλλά εξίσου σημαντικός συνεργάτης του Καποδίστρια, Σπ. Δεστούνης, αναδεικνύεται μέσα από τις επιστολές του κυρίως ως ένας δεινός κήρυκας της ελληνικής υπόθεσης. Από κοντά και ο ίδιος ο Κυβερνήτης, που παράλληλα με την πολιτική διαχείριση των υποθέσεων του τσάρου, την προαγωγή του ελληνικού ζητήματος και την ανάληψη στο τέλος της διακυβέρνησης της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης βρήκε τον χρόνο να ασχοληθεί και να γράψει τις ιστοριογραφικές αρχές της ιστορίας των Ελλήνων, οι οποίες θα τους καθιστούσαν ανεκτούς, τουλάχιστον, στην Ευρώπη της εποχής (ιστορία όχι του ελληνικού έθνους αλλά της ελληνικής εκκλησίας). Ο θεωρητικός λόγος για την ελληνική υπόθεση, που αρθρώνει αυτός ο κύκλος των Ελλήνων της Ρωσίας γύρω από τον Καποδίστρια,  θέτει τις βάσεις αποδοχής από την ευρωπαϊκή πολιτική πραγματικότητα της Επανάστασης του 1821, καθώς προτάσσει την θρησκευτική διάσταση, τον χριστιανικό χαρακτήρα της Επανάστασης εναντίον της μουσουλμανικής Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας. Και αυτή η θεώρηση έρχεται ως συνέχεια της πρότασης που κατέθεσε η ίδια ομάδα στο συνέδριο της Βιέννης, όταν προσπάθησε ως τμήμα της ρωσικής αντιπροσωπείας εκεί να πείσει τους Ευρωπαίους μοναρχικούς ότι η Ιερά Συμμαχία έπρεπε να θεμελιωθεί πάνω στην χριστιανική ιδιότητα των κρατών που θα την συναποτελούσαν και όχι πάνω στην αρχή της νομιμότητας που τελικά επικράτησε. Το σχετικό δοκίμιο του Στούρτζα, που προοριζόταν για καταστατικός χάρτης της Ιεράς Συμμαχίας, αποτέλεσε με κάποιες τροποποιήσεις το πρώτο από τα δύο έργα του με τα οποία υποστήριξε το δικαίωμα των Ελλήνων να επαναστατήσουν κατά της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας ακριβώς πάνω σε αυτήν την βάση, ότι δηλαδή ήταν χριστιανοί και έπρεπε να υποστηριχθούν από τους χριστιανούς μονάρχες της Ευρώπης. Αυτές οι απόψεις ήταν που τελικά δημιούργησαν το κλίμα του Φιλελληνισμού στην Κεντρική Ευρώπη και οδήγησαν προσωπικότητες, όπως ο Εϋνάρδος και ο Βασιλιάς της Βαυαρίας και πατέρας του Όθωνα, Λουδοβίκος, να υποστηρίξουν ουσιαστικά την Επανάσταση.

In her new book, Turkish-American Relations (1800-1952): Between the Stars, Stripes and the Crescent, Associate Prof. Şuhnaz Yılmaz of the Department of International Relations at Koç University, aims to take the reader on a fascinating journey along the intricate history of Turkish-American relations. The book critically examines how Turkish-American relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet resilient alliance. Through the extensive use of Turkish, American and British archival documents and numerous private paper and manuscript collections, the book examines Turkish-American relations from 1800 to 1952, starting with the earliest contacts and ending with the institutionalization of the alliance after Turkey’s entry into NATO. The book aims to provide a better understanding of the significant issues pertaining to Turkish-American relations, such as the impact of international developments on foreign policy decisions, the role of key figures and organizations in shaping the relations, the interaction of political, economic, cultural and military factors in policy formation, and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping actual relations. This highly interdisciplinary study situated at the intersection of diplomatic history, foreign policy analysis and international relations, not only enhances our knowledge of Turkish-American relations for the period of 1800-1952, but also provides valuable insights for the relations during the Cold War and its aftermath, with significant implications for a turbulent region in constant transformation and change.

This paper intends to explore the significance of Philippine society, culture, and interactions in today's multicultural and globalized world. As an epistemological approach, it aims to present an informative point of view on the Philippines' multifaceted relationships with other nation-states and cultural communities. Further, the paper seeks to present a preliminary analysis to introduce the two countries - Nepal and the Philippines - and their burgeoning and thriving diplomatic and cultural linkages. Because of the vast geographical, cultural, and political differences between the two countries: Nepal is situated in South Asia and the Philippines in Southeast Asia. The paper clings to the admittance that a limited extensive literature probes into the two nation-states. Nepal and the Philippines are rarely associated with historical parallelism, global trade, diplomatic ties, and migration. In addition to providing macro-perspectives and drawing from the literature of existing Nepal-Philippine relationships, the paper shares in-person narratives of the author during his brief stay in Nepal. Thereby providing a glimpse of how a Filipino perceives the Nepalese worldview. In view of this, the paper aims to expand the existing knowledge on depicting and analyzing the role of Nepal in the Philippines and the significance of the Philippines in Nepal.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

In light of the recent passing of the neoliberal geostrategic tactician, Zbigniew Brzezinski, I felt it was time to revisit his 1997 text "Grand Chessboard". Within this book, US Foreign policy objectives were so succinctly explained as the geopolitical landscape moved so turbulently into the beginning decades of the 21st Century.

Despite his vision of American foreign policy as "benign and visionary", the tone of Brzezinski's text is concerned with preserving U.S hegemony as the world's "first truly global superpower".  He saw Eurasia as the "Grand Chessboard" on which this struggle to maintain "continental equilibrium" was to be played out on the road to establishing global governance.

"The defeat and collapse of the Soviet Union was the final step in the rapid ascendance of a Western Hemisphere power, the United States, as the sole and, indeed, the first truly global power. ... 

... it is imperative that no Eurasian challenger emerges, capable of dominating Eurasia and thus also of challenging America."

The insertion of American idealism into the politics of the Eurasian landmass first occurred with The U.S entry into the First World War, and continued after the Second World War with the ideological struggle with the Soviets during the Cold War. The fate of the continental landmass became dominated by the power struggle between the two major superpowers. 

The struggle was between a great sea power (the U.S) and a great land power (the U.S.S.R), but the decisive area of dispute took place in a central Asian country that still has vital strategic importance on the world stage. ...

Find Out More:
http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/2017/06/the-grand-chessboard-american-primacy.html

Genişletilmiş 2. Basıma Sunuş

İki yıllık bir aranın ardından tekrar merhaba…
“Diplomasi Tarihi I” çalışmamıza göstermiş olduğunuz ilgi için öncelik-le tüm okuyucularımıza teşekkür ederiz. İlk baskıdan sonra meslektaşlarımız, öğrencilerimiz ve dostlarımızdan çoğunlukla olumlu eleştiriler aldık.
Bu olumlu eleştiriler bizi mutlu etti. Ancak “ yerenim yarenimdir” sözünü şiar edindiğimiz için daha çok olumsuz eleştirilere dikkat kesildik. Genişletilmiş 2. Baskı’da söz konusu eleştiriler doğrultusunda eksikliklerimizi gidermeye ve Sizlere daha nitelikli bir çalışma sunmaya çalıştık.
Peki, çalışmamızı daha nitelikli hale getirmek için neler mi yaptık?
Öncelikle tüm bölümler, gelen eleştiriler doğrultusunda yazarları tarafın-dan tekrar kaleme alındı. Yazım hatalarının yanı sıra metin içerisindeki eksik-likler giderildi ve her bölümün sonuna öğrencilerimizin ısrarlı istekleri sebebiy-le daha fazla soru, ek okuma ve belgesel / film önerisi konuldu.
Metin içeriği olarak bakıldığında ise ilk baskıdaki 4. ve 5. Bölümler farklı yazarlar tarafından yeniden yazılırken, daha önce kitapta yer almayan “19. Yüzyılda Latin Amerika’da Yaşanan Bazı Önemli Olayların Diplomasinin Geli-şimine Etkileri” başlıklı 12. Bölüm eklendi.
Bu baskıda yapılan en temel değişiklik ise meslektaşlarımız ve öğrencile-rimiz ile yaptığımız istişareler sonucunda konu bütünlüğü sağlamak adına “1. Dünya Savaşı’nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri” başlıklı bölümü bu kitaptan çıkarıp, kısa bir süre sonra yayımlanacak olan “Diplomasi Tarihi II” kitabımıza eklemek oldu.

Genişletilmiş 2. Baskı’da ilk baskı gibi kısa bir zamanda hızlı fakat doğru bilgiler edinmek isteyenler için hazırlanmıştır. Uzun cümleler yerine maddeler halinde yazılan ve önemli görülen hususların  simgesi ile vurgulandığı çalış-mamız tam da hedeflediğimiz gibi
 Daha önce hiç Diplomasi Tarihi / Siyasi Tarih kitabı okumamış veya dersini almamış okuyucular / öğrenciler ve
 Diplomasi Tarihi / Siyasi Tarih dersini daha önce aldığı halde bilgile-rini tazelemek isteyen özellikle KPSS, doktora yeterlik ve doçentlik başta olmak üzere sınavlara giriş aşamasında zaman baskısı hisseden-ler tarafından“okuyucu dostu / reader friendly” olarak tanımlanmıştır.
Sunuş kısmında açıklamak istediğimiz en son husus 1. Baskı’nın ardın-dan kitabımızın ismine yönelik getirilen kimi eleştirilere ilişkindir. Kısaca özet-lersek bazı meslektaşlarımızdan gelen temel eleştiri, kitabımızın isminin “Siyasi Tarih” veya “Siyasal Tarih” olmasına yöneliktir. Lakin kitabın 3. Bölümü’nde ayrıntılı bir biçimde analiz ettiğimiz üzere ekol farklılığından dolayı Türkiye’de bizce bu konuda bir isimlendirme sorunu yaşanmaktadır.
Ayrıca aşağıdaki tabloda da görüldüğü üzere, 2017 LYS itibarıyla ulusla-rarası ilişkiler  bölümlerine  en yüksek puanla öğrenci alan  ilk  10 üniversitenin 7 tanesinin ders programlarının İngilizce’sinde dersin adı “Diplomatic History” olarak geçmektedir.

Üniversite Dersin Türkçe
İsmi Dersin İngilizce
İsmi
1. Koç
(İngilizce tam burslu) Modern Diplomasi Tarihi History of Modern
Diplomacy
2. Galatasaray Siyasal Tarih Political History
3. Bilkent Ders Türkçe verilmemektedir. Diplomatic History
4. ODTÜ Ders Türkçe verilmemektedir. World History
5. Özyeğin Diplomasi Tarihi Diplomatic History
6. İstanbul Bilgi Siyasi ve Diplomatik Tarih Political and Diplomatic History
7. Kadir Has Diplomasi Tarihi Diplomatic History
8. Ankara Siyasal Tarih Diplomatic History
9. Yaşar Diplomasi Tarihi Diplomatic History
10. Hacettepe Siyasi Tarih Political History

Yani tersten yorumlarsak söz konusu dersin ismi İngilizce’den Türkçe’ye çevrilmiş olsa “Diplomasi Tarihi” seçilecektir. Benzer bir durum tüm Türki-ye’de eğitim veren uluslararası ilişkiler bölümlerinin büyük bir çoğunluğu için de geçerlidir. Ayrıca literatürde “siyasi tarih”in tanımı yapan akademisyenlerin büyük bir kısmı disiplini, uluslararası sistemdeki aktörler arasındaki diplomatik ilişkilerin tarihi olarak tanımlamaktadır. Dolayısıyla diplomatik ilişkilerin tari-hini anlatırken “diplomasi tarihi” isimlendirmesi bizlere daha doğru gelmekte-dir.
Yaklaşık 6 yıllık bir sürecin ürünü olan bu çalışmada bizlere yazıları ile destek olan tüm Meslektaşlarımıza hem fotoğraf ve harita bularak hem de re-daksiyon yaparak katkı sağlayan başta Murat JANE olmak üzere bölümümüz araştırma görevlilerine ve öğrencilerimize içten teşekkür ederiz.
Doğal olarak esere katkı veren her yazar sadece kendi yazdıklarından so-rumluyken, editörler olarak bizler kitabın tamamından sorumluyuz. Tüm dikka-timize rağmen kitapta eksiklik ve yanlışlıkların olması doğaldır. Eksiklik ve yanlışlıklarımızı bize bildiren, görüş ve önerilerini barisozdal@gmail.com veya karacakutay@yahoo.com adreslerine mail atarak ileten herkese ayrı ayrı cevap verilecektir. Kendilerine şimdiden teşekkür ederiz.
En büyük teşekkür borcumuz ise her zaman olduğu gibi her koşulda anla-yışla ve sabırla bizleri destekleyerek yanımızda olan sevgili Ailelerimize ve Dostlarımızadır. Her birine sonsuz teşekkür ve minnetlerimizi iletiriz.
Son olarak, bu çalışmanın basımını üstlenen Dora Yayınevi’nin sahibi Sayın Kurtuluş TAYAM’a Dora Yayınevi’nin çalışanları Sayın Rıza AKBU-LUT ve Hüseyin ARI’ya, çalışmanın sayfa tasarımını yapan Sayın Nurhan BULMUŞ’a ve kapak tasarımını hazırlayan Sayın Önder AYDOĞMUŞ’a te-şekkür ederiz.


Barış ÖZDAL & R. Kutay KARACA
18 Ağustos 2017
Burgaz / Görükle / BURSA
Dört Levent / İSTANBUL

People abused by angry discipline as children, may tend to abuse or overly punish other people or themselves for perceived wrongs in their adult life. In some individuals, aggressive personality traits may be genetically inherited. The aggressive personality may feel weakened by having guidelines or boundaries for anger. Anger is a normal human emotion, and these guidelines can help express anger in a healthy way.

Статья посвящена изучению статейных списков русских послов в Стамбуле П.П. Шафирова и М.Б. Шереметева 1711-14 гг. Как правило, статейный списки (отчеты послов) подавались в Посольский приказ вскоре после возвращения дипломатов в Россию. Статейные списки П.П. Шафирова и М.Б. Шереметева начали составлять в 1721 году, то есть спустя несколько лет после возвращения представителей русского царя в Санкт-Петербурге. В настоящее время эти материалы хранятся в архивах Москвы и Санкт-Петербурга. Отчеты посольства отражают условия, в которых российские послы боролись за подписание мирного договора с Османской империи после неудачного Прутского похода. По своей форме этого типа ежедневные журналы, в текст которых включалось не только описание событий, но также отправленные и полученных письма, постановления, деклараций, проекты мирных договоров. Значительное место в статейных списках уделялось описанию переговоров турецкими представителями, а также местным обычаям и дипломатическому этикету.

Dr David Roberts argues that matters normally prioritized as security issues in international politics, such as terrorism and nuclear weapons, cause very limited harm, and that preventable global infant and maternal mortality, counted in the millions, is dismissed from security agendas by policy makers, who are mostly white, mostly male, and mostly secure. He will argue that the security needs of the most vulnerable do not resonate with the people who determine what security those people can have; and that international law does not apply to the public institutions which most undermine human security. Dr Roberts will propose a fast-working solution to this dilemma that will reduce the scale of deaths substantially almost overnight, and will identify the means by which this change can be effected.

The killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhou reportedly by agents of Israel‟s Mossad service in Dubai a year ago1 serves as a quick reminder that extrajudicial executions, assassinations and other targeted killing operations are taking place and are part of a modern democracy‟s arsenal of antiterrorism and counter-terrorism means. Targeted Killing Operations reportedly form part of NATO‟s operational practice: depending on the circumstances they represent just another option of the lawful use of force in an armed conflict or assimilated situations. Consequently, it is argued that International Law does not impose an explicit ban on the lethal neutralization of certain persons in an armed conflict scenario. This opinion provides a provocative view on possible justifications using targeted killing as an actual means of present day security operations – which must not be confused with traditional methods of domestic „policing‟ in a democratic state.

El concepte de Seguretat Humana és present avui dia en la majoria d'anàlisis de les ciències socials, i es caracteritza per ser un terme amb significats molt variats i amplis. Tot i això, el concepte presenta una força que radicaria, d'una banda, en la seva capacitat per definir una nova realitat en la qual l'Estat no pot continuar el seu monopoli en les qüestions relatives a la seguretat (es passa de la Seguretat Nacional a la Humana), i de l'altra, en el seu potencial per construir sinèrgies i sumar esforços amb l'objectiu d'aconseguir el canvi social.

D'aquesta manera, la idea de Seguretat Humana ha estat capaç d'aglutinar moviments socials, intel·lectuals i diplomàtics a l'hora de situar les persones en el centre dels debats i també de les polítiques, i en ella conflueixen diferents perspectives com el desarmament, el desenvolupament o els drets humans. En aquesta monografia, de manera rigorosa però també molt propera a la realitat dels col·lectius afectats, s'analitza el concepte de Seguretat Humana i Construcció de Pau a Colòmbia a través d'una sèrie d'articles que tracten de forma àmplia totes les propostes i alternatives que s'estan donant avui dia al país. Així, s'analitzen, entre altres temes, la política de Seguretat Democràtica, la seguretat ciutadana i les estratègies d'intervenció policial, la militarització de la societat amb la irrupció d'actors poc visualitzats com els mercenaris, la seguretat alimentària i mediambiental, amb especial incidència en els recursos hídrics, la participació de la societat civil en els processos de pau, i les propostes dels pobles indígenes del Cauca i afrodescendents del Pacífic en Construcció de Pau i Drets Humans.

Статья посвящена проблеме взаимодействия варварских королевств Италии и Византии во второй половине V — первой половине VI в. Автор статьи рассматривает роль римской сенаторской аристократии в дипломатическом общении западных правителей с византийским императором, вызванном как политической необходимостью, так и религиозными разногласиями в христианской церкви. Инициатива отправки в Константинополь сенаторских посольств исходила от светских и церковных властей. Используя компаративный и историко-антропологический подходы, автор статьи анализирует цели и результаты пребывания римских сенаторов в Константинополе, а также причины, побудившие королей Одоакра и Теодориха привлекать аристократов к участию в посольствах. Исследование опирается на сообщения Прокопия Кесарийского, Liber Pontificalis, Anonymus Valesianus, а также письма римских пап. Делается вывод о том, что сенаторские поездки на Восток в изучаемый период приобрели особое значение в связи с обострением церковных противоречий. Обсуждение на дипломатическом уровне религиозных вопросов заставляло проводить более тщательный отбор претендентов на роль представителей Запада на переговорах с императором. Послы времени правления королей Одоакра и Теодориха обладали высоким социальным статусом (титулами патриция, caput senatus и рангом vir inlusrtis), который признавался и на международной арене. Автор высказывает мнение, что решающими факторами при назначении сенаторов в качестве посланников Запада были, наряду с происхождением, их дипломатические способности, образованность и риторическая подготовка, которые давали им преимущество перед незнатными государственными и церковными служащими. Дополнительным аргументом для варварских королей выступала принадлежность римских нобилей к христианству в католическом исповедании.
This article concerns the interaction of the barbarian kingdoms of Italy and Constantinople between the second half of the 5th and first half of the 6th centuries. The author of the article considers the role of the Roman senatorial aristocracy in the diplomatic communication of Western rulers with the Byzantine emperor caused by both political necessity and religious differences in the Christian Church. The initiative to send senatorial embassies to Constantinople came from the secular and ecclesiastical authorities. Using the comparative and historical and anthropological approaches, the author of the article analyses the goals and results of the Roman senators’ stay in Constantinople, as well as the reasons that prompted the reges Odoacer and Theodoric to involve aristocrats in embassies. The study is based on reports by Procopius of Caesarea, Liber Pontificalis, Anonymus Valesianus, as well as letters from the Popes. The author concludes that senatorial trips to the East during the period in question acquired special significance in connection with the aggravation of church contradictions. Discussion at the diplomatic level of religious issues led to a more thorough selection of applicants for the role of representatives of the West in negotiations with the emperor. The ambassadors under kings Odoacer and Theodorich had a high social status (titles of patricius, caput senatus, and rank of vir inlustris), which was also recognized on the international stage. The author puts forward an idea that the decisive factors in the appointment of senators as envoys of the West were, along with their origin, their diplomatic abilities, education, and rhetorical training, which gave them an advantage over the non-noble officeholders and church officials. An additional argument for the barbarian kings was the fact that Roman nobles were Catholics.

The article investigates the stratagems and their role in China's diplomacy. Originated in ancient times and the related techniques of military and diplomatic struggle, stratagem has not lost its importance and influence on foreign policy and diplomacy of China. Moreover, stratagems have long become an attribute not only of Chinese diplomacy, but also of other states.
Despite the fact that the stratagems were primarily a tool of diplomacy, they take their origin from  the martial arts. Usually the stratagem means long waiting of more favorable conditions and achievement of the goals by any means. The basic idea of all stratagems is the postulate of a true warrior who fights and wins without a fight. Such tactics can be seen in the modern foreign policy of China, which in the last decade try to use the concept of “soft power”, promoting their own interests, without using violent methods.
Based on the analysis of Chinese sources, as well as using a wide range of literature, especially the works of the Chinese researchers, the author shows the characteristic of Chinese strategic thinking tactics “victory without the use of force”, based on the traditional philosophy of Confucianism.