Ethnic Conflict and Civil War

Горан Давидовић, Милош Тимотијевић, Затамњена прошлост : историја равногораца чачанског краја. Књ. 3, Агонија и слом : ратне 1944. и 1945. године (Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив ; Краљево : Народни музеј, 2004 (Чачак : Графика Јуреш). - 462, [32] стр. с таблама ; 24 cm

Тираж 500. - Стр. 311-312: Рецензија / Коста Николић, Бојан Димитријевић. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Summary: Darkened Past. The history of the Ravna Gora movement in the Čačak region. Book 3, Agony and breakdown of war 1944 and 1945- Библиографија: стр. 304-310. - Регистар.

ISBN 86-80609-29-3 (брош.)
94(497.11)"1944/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 118526220

Despite their other theoretical differences, virtually all scholars of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agree that the organization's members share an almost religious commitment to the norm of non-intervention. This article disrupts this consensus, arguing that ASEAN repeatedly intervened in Cambodia's internal political conflicts from 1979 to 1999, often with powerful and destructive effects. ASEAN's role in maintaining Khmer Rouge occupancy of Cambodia's UN seat, constructing a new coalition government in exile, manipulating Khmer refugee camps and informing the content of the Cambodian peace process will be explored, before turning to the 'creeping conditionality' for ASEAN membership imposed after the 1997 'coup' in Phnom Penh. The article argues for an analysis recognizing the political nature of intervention, and seeks to explain both the creation of non-intervention norms and specific violations of them as attempts by ASEAN elites to maintain their own illiberal, capitalist regimes against domestic and international political threats.
[the full version is available via my website, http://www.leejones.tk]

The Syrian Salafi armed group Ahrar al-Sham epitomises the most prominent case of politicisation. By 2014, Ahrar al-Sham was the leading insurgent group in Syria, with the largest number of soldiers, presence throughout Syrian opposition-held areas, and relatively strong ties with foreign countries including Turkey and Qatar. Ahrar al-Sham explicitly rejected al-Qaida’s legacy and developed a more inclusive approach to other groups and the population. This chapter traces the group’s emergence and development to demonstrate how pre-war developments and a de-centralised alliance-based expansion underpinned its politicisation over the years. This case study also contends that politicisation was sustained by the group’s internal institutionalisation, which ultimately explains its successes and failures during the conflict. This chapter is based on extensive field research interviews in Turkey and north-west Syria in 2019 with an array of leaders and members of Ahrar al-Sham, armed opposition groups, and independent Syrian Islamists.

Conflict Analysis is an important aspect of peace-building and the nitty-gritty involved which can simply be defined as a dynamic process to measure or access an ongoing conflict be it local, national or global. One of the importance of Good Conflict analysis is that it helps in sorting through, prioritize and understand those relationships and just as importantly how the context (or the operating environment) influences the nature of the conflict, but also the importance of focusing on context (the course of the conflicts) and not just on a given conflict.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Аннотация. Статья посвящена проблеме внутренних скифских конфликтов. Рассматривается археологический материал, включающий перечень скифских северочерноморских погребений с фиксируемыми «военными» травмами и ранениями погребенных, случаи замены и вторичного использования ритуальных каменных скифских изваяний, случаи ограбления могил соплеменниками и свидетельства письменных источников. Abstract. The author considers the problem of Scythians' internal conflicts. Analysing both written evidence and the archaeological material, she lists North Pontic Scythian graves with arguably " war " traumas of the buried men, as well as the cases when Scythian ritual stone sculptures were replaced or reused or when graves were plundered by fellow tribesmen.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

An unclouded look at territorial autonomy back and forward, 100 years after the establishment of the first "modern" territorial autonomy in a democratic constitutional state: the Åland Islands in Finland in 1921/22. Where has autonomy for the purpose of minority protection and self-government been successful, where has it failed, where is it in crisis, where is it aspired to? In which cases would autonomy be the optimal solution for open conflicts between states and regional communities, and in which cases of national emancipation is autonomy no longer sufficient? In 2021, after 100 years of experience with territorial autonomy in all parts of the world, this concept for settling sub-state conflicts and protecting ethnic minorities is still underestimated. Background information and assessments on the development to date and on the perspectives for territorial autonomy in various regions around the world by the author of the standard work "The World's Modern Autonomy Systems", enriched with interviews with nine outstanding personalities from politics and science in these regions and a foreword by the South Tyrolean politician and scientist Oskar Peterlini, former senator in Rome.

The United Nations is a crucial arena in which to set universal standards on women’s rights. But in recent meetings of the Commission on the Status of Women an increasingly coordinated misogynist backlash has been building unconventional alliances that transcend familiar geopolitical divisions and draw on the resources of religious organizations. States that have in the past been seen as defenders of women’s rights are losing ground in negotiations. There is a growing reluctance to expend political capital in defense of what has been constructed and maligned as a western social preoccupation. Transnational feminist networks have been deprived of opportunities to revive their networks and effectiveness in the absence of the expected fifth world conference on women this year. Feminist movements in emerging economies now have a crucial role to play in demonstrating that feminism is not limited to the West, and in influencing their national foreign policy establishments to defend women’s rights in multilateral agreements.

Syria’s ongoing existential conflict is arguably related to its nation-building trajectory starting in the beginning of the twentieth century. What can theories of nation-building and state formation tell us about the origins of conflict as well as future of the Syrian state?

Civil wars are often the product of low-level political violence that escalates, rather than emerging ex nihilo from a peaceful society. Therefore, it is important to focus on what causes the initial pattern of violence and why it escalates. This essay integrates structural and strategic theories of political violent to develop an analytical framework of violence escalation. This framework allows us to identify critical junctures where intervention may limit or halt escalation. The framework is applied to Iraq, 2003-2006 to determine how and why violence escalated, culminating in widespread sectarian civil war in 2006.

Fortunately, there is a science-based approach that can protect Pakistan from both internal and external threats. It is appropriately termed, Invincible Defence Technology (IDT), because it assures invincibility, peace and even economic progress, to the nation and the military that employ it.

Its methods have been proven and adopted as part of the training of America's future commanders at Norwich University, a nationally respected and oldest military academy in the USA. IDT is further validated by 23 peer-reviewed studies carried out in both developed and developing nations. Its coherence-creating effect has also been documented on a global scale in a study published in the Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. When large assemblies of civilian IDT experts gathered during the years 1983 - 1985, international conflict decreased 32%, terrorism-related casualties decreased 72%, and overall violence was reduced in nations without intrusion by other governments.

Abstract. The paper examines the existence, intensity and the direction of the relationship between the confessional belonging, the degree of subjective religiosity and inter-ethnic distance two years before the violent breakup of the former Yugoslavia. Empirical foundation of the research is the data base of the Consortium of Yugoslav social sciences' institutes from 1989-1990.
The main finding of the paper is that the ethnic distance between the members of three most numerous confessions in the Balkans, Orthodox, Catholic and Islamic, that is between the members of respective nationalities, Serbs, Croats and Muslims, was notable two years before the outbreak of the war. Even when the Catholic and Orthodox respondents verbally denied the significance of the spouse's national belonging in two fifths of the cases, and the respondents belonging to all confessions negated the importance of the work colleague's national belonging in somewhat lesser percentage, they themselves were rarely in mixed marriages and have only scarcely preferred the members of some other nationality for the work place colleague.
Respondents Yugoslavs, who in the three fifths of the cases asserted not having an confession, proved to be the most open toward all other nationalities and were the most popular as spouses and work colleagues, immediately after the members of locally majority nation and confession. Albanians, who identified themselves as members of Islamic confession in more than 90% of the cases, were the most closed toward members of other nationalities and confessions and were the least preferred among others.
Two additional facts testify to the significant degree of uncertainty and mistrust among the members of three confessions two years before the war. First, members of all three confessions have in more than two fifths of the cases partially and completely agreed that safety was possible only in the milieu in which live the majority of the members of one's own nation. Second, alongside with almost three fifths of the three main confessions' members, more than two fifths of those without confession accepted the statement that cooperation can exist between nations, but never the full trust, as well.
The rule is noticed, along with several significant and indicative deviations, that respondents reporting that they were convinced believers or that they believed but not in everything that their faith taught, belonging mostly to working layers, attached greater significance to national belonging of the spouse and of the work colleague in one fifth of the cases more often than the respondents that reported that they were indifferent toward religion, that they were not religious or that they were against religion, preponderantly members of middle and upper social layers. The difference in the attitudes of respondents that reported opposite degrees of their religiosity, however, proved to be much smaller (only around ten percentages) when it was the question of the safety and trust between members of different nationalities. The social sources of widely diffused lack of confidence, violent breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the formation of mutually unfriendly independent national states, should therefore be searched for not only in religious contents, but also in the real living situation of believers and not believers alike.
In the paper is examined in detail the noticed phenomenon of significant differences existing in the degree of subjective religiosity and the attitudes of the members of the same confession, depending on their status of local majority or minority in respective republic or province.

This paper investigates whether violent female participation (VFP) as insurgents impacts their respective civil conflicts. Impact is measured through civil war duration and intensity. A quantitative approach discovers a strong positive relationship between violent female participation and civil war duration and impact. Case studies further look at the impact of female combatants in the Sri Lankan and Second Chechen civil wars. The paper finds that VFP is strongly correlated to duration and intensity, however the presence of ideology and female-orientated doctrine determines whether women are used strategically. Rebel group ideology potentially enables women to further impact civil conflict as more than simply additional manpower.

In "Homicidal Ecologies" in Latin America, Deborah Yashar asks, Why has homicide reached such high levels in Latin America’s Third Wave democracies—particularly in Central America? The violence in Guatemala and El Salvador is especially puzzling as it followed the peace accords of the 1990s, ending brutal civil wars. Yet the rates of homicide—even if they shifted from political to social killings—remained the same or worsened in the post–civil war period. Given the severe level of homicide in the civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala, this is an extraordinary phenomenon. The puzzle arises in part from the premise that democracy would nurture more civil societies.

Il aura suffi de l’annonce par le gouvernement d’une taxe sur l’application de messagerie WhatsApp pour qu’éclate un mouvement de contestation populaire inédit dans l’histoire du Liban contemporain. En ce 17 octobre 2019, trente années après l’accord de Taëf, censé mettre un terme à la Guerre du Liban et permettre au pays exsangue de renaître de ses cendres, une limite est franchie. Des citoyens en colère se rassemblent sur une des artères principales de Beyrouth, le pont du Ring Fouad Chehab, jadis ligne de démarcation entre l’Est et l’Ouest de la capitale. Très vite, les grandes places de la ville répercutent l’onde de choc dans un élan spontané assimilé à un sursaut, à une prise de conscience fulgurante.
Il va sans dire que ce ras-le-bol cache un mal plus profond. Celui-ci prend racine dans les graves dysfonctionnements qui sévissent depuis la fin des hostilités armées en 1990 et l’installation de la tutelle syrienne. La fin de cette dernière, suite à l’assassinat de l’ancien Premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005, laisse la place à une crise de pouvoir et à une paralysie politique nées des rivalités inter et intra-communautaires sur fond de corruption généralisée et institutionnalisée (y compris au sein du pouvoir judiciaire), de clientélisme et d’impunité qui ont marqué les années 1992-2005. L’afflux massif des réfugiés syriens fuyant la guerre qui se généralise en Syrie à partir de 2012, exerce une très forte pression sur les ressources du pays, d’autant plus que les réfugié…

Many of the most disturbing images of the last decade of the twentieth century have depicted horrific episodes of ‘ethnic cleansing’ and protracted ethnic or communal conflicts. In fact, post-Cold War world politics seems to have been ‘engulfed in convulsive fits of ethnic insecurity, violence and genocide’ (Lake and Rothchild, 1996, p. 41). These events have generated extensive intellectual debate among policy makers, academics and other commentators. In particular these debates have revealed two sets of assumptions about the underlying causes of ethnic antagonisms. Some argue that these conflicts represent a revival of premodern or ‘tribal’ identities, whilst others argue that they are part of a late-modern ‘fragmentary’ reaction against homogenising tendencies of globalisation...

In To cite this work: Mount, Gavin. “A World of Tribes?” in G. Fry and J. O’Hagan (eds) Contending Images of World Politics, Palgrave MacMillan, 2000

Kotsur V.V. National Minorities of Ukraine in the Context of Social and Political Transformations of the 90s Years of the XXth Century – the Beginning of the XXIst Century
У  дослідженні національні меншини України розглядаються в контексті суспільно-політичних трансформацій 90-х рр. ХХ ст. – поч. ХХІ ст. на тлі зовнішньополітичних впливів держав-сусідів та геополітичних викликів початку нового тисячоліття. До основних проблемно-змістових блоків дослідження належать формування правового статусу етнічних меншин, їхня культурно-громадська діяльність; реалізація державної етнонаціональної політики та гармонізація міжнаціональних відносин; вплив російського та європейського цивілізаційних чинників на етнополітичний розвиток України в умовах глобалізації; соціально-професійна стратифікація, особливості регіональної ідентичності, електоральної та іншої суспільної поведінки; удосконалення нормативно-правової бази задля забезпечення умов розвитку національних меншин України; інформаційні запити національних меншин та їх участь у виборчих перегонах тощо.
Особливістю українського етнополітичного простору стала відсутність політичних партій нацменшин загальнонаціонального масштабу, хоча на місцевому рівні нацменшини мали вільний доступ до представницьких органів влади. Проте постійне переформатування центрального органу управління етнонаціональними процесами негативно позначилося на координації та оперативності ухвалення рішень у сфері етнополітики.
У дослідженні наголошується на тому, що російська агресія проти України кинула серйозні виклики усій світовій спільноті насамперед тому, що була зроблена ставка на національні меншини з метою запуску дезінтегративних процесів задля отримання контролю не лише над деякими регіонами, а й над усією країною. Істотною загрозою єдності країни дотепер залишаються спроби проросійських політичних сил нав’язати суспільству ідеї федералізації України; заперечити українську національну ідентичність; дискредитувати державу у світі та посіяти розбрат у всіх сферах суспільного життя – культурній, духовній, політичній. Автором запропоновано низку рекомендацій щодо гармонізації міжнаціональних відносин в Україні задля забезпечення її подальшого стабільного розвитку.

Ключові слова: Україна, національні меншини, корінні народи, етнополітика, етнос, нація, національно-культурна автономія, сепаратизм, гібридна війна, «русский мир», геноцид кримськотатарського народу, агресія, національна єдність, цивілізаційний розкол, європейський вибір, соціокультурні стандарти.

The  researches national minorities of Ukraine in the context of social and political transformations of the 90s years of the XXth century – the beginning of the XXIst century in the light of the foreign policy influence of the neighbor states and geopolitical challenges at the beginning of a new century. To the main problematic and contextual blocks of research belongs the formation of the legal status of the ethnic minority, their cultural and public activity, realization of state ethnic and national policy and harmonization of international relations, influence of Russian and European civilization factors on Ukrainian ethnic and political development under the globalization circumstances; social and professional stratification, peculiarities of regional identity, voting and other social behavior; improvement of regulatory and legal framework for ensuring of electorate development conditions of Ukrainian national minorities; information inquiries of the national minorities and their participation in the electorate races as well as others.
The peculiarity of the Ukrainian ethno-political space became the lack of political parties of national minorities, although local minorities had free access to representative bodies of power. However, the constant reformatting of the Governmental Central Body of ethnonational processes negatively affected the coordination, efficiency of decision-making in the field of ethnopolitics and funding of this socially important area.
The research highlights that Russian aggression against Ukraine has thrown serious challenges to the entire world community, first of all because national minority bid has been made to launch decentralized processes to gain control over not only some regions, but also over the whole country. Some significant threat to the country unity till our time were the attempts of the pro-Russian political forces to impose the society the ideas of Ukraininan federalization; to object Ukrainian national identity; to discredit the state in the world and to sow enmity in all spheres of public cultural, spiritual and political lives.
For a long time, Ukraine has succeeded in preventing internal conflicts on the ground of ethnicity, and this despite the active attempts from the outside to disrupt peace among different nationalities on its territory. At the same time, a number of strategic errors were made in the field of national building. It is primarily about the Crimean Tatars policy, which were considered by the Ukraine government as a greater threat than «the Russian world». The question of land issue to repatriates should be added as well. The adaptation of the Crimean Tatar people on their native land was rather slow, as it had to resist to the Pro-Russian forces controlled by Russian intelligence agencies. The fears of Ukrainian political leadership to give national cultural autonomy to the Crimean Tatar people resulted in catastrophic consequences in the form of the state-annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. After the demise of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation did not leave the plan to revive allied formations. In order to do this, it was necessary to prevent the successful progress of the young Ukrainian state, so the national minorities in it were under the gun of the Russian Federation special services. The rate was made on the artificial formation of conflict zones on the cross-national ground. Conflict regions in Ukraine were Crimea, where the interests of Crimean Tatars were artificially clashed against Russians, Transcarpathia, which played the scenario of political Rusyn, Donbass, where the Russian-speaking population was intimidated by compulsory ukrainization. External and internal manipulation, especially during the parliamentary and presidential elections, weakened the Ukrainian society, hampered democratic European progress.
However, as the result of the Russian-Ukrainian armed confrontation valuable guidelines of the Ukrainian population have been changed, namely: the decisive were not nationality or language, but the attitude to the independent sovereign Ukraine. In the conditions of the «hybrid war», the establishment of interregional relations with the participation of ethnic communities and territorial communities was accelerated to ensure victory and implementation of European choice for Ukraine.
The author proposed a number of recommendations to the harmonization of interethnic relations in Ukraine in order to ensure its further sustainable development.

Key words: Ukraine, national minorities, first nations, ethnic politics, ethnos, nation, national and cultural autonomy, separatism, hybrid war, «Russian world», genocide of Crimean Tatar folk, aggression, national unity, civilization split, social and cultural standards.

The legality of the use of force of the Turkish Cypriot community against the Greek Cypriot government is the key issue to define the legal status of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus within the United Nations law system. If the Turkish Cypriots have a legal right to use force against the so-called Greek Cypriot government within the system of decolonization of the United Nations, then the so-called Greek Cypriots government thesis against the Turkish Cypriots on defining the situation in Cyprus as belligerency of the Turkish Cypriots against the government will be eliminated. The situation in Cyprus will change and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus can become a member of the United Nations within the United Nations decolonization system.

In this final paper I argue that theories on civil war today are insufficient as to fully explain the reasons that the violence in Democratic Republic of Congo[DRC]  has reached an intensity and persistence, that not even the UNs second-largest peace-keeping force is to control the violent forces. 
I use this a starting point for an investigation of the evolution in social structures in DRC during colonialism and independence before and after the Cold War. This shows how a breakdown of social structures and institutions led to fragile or dysfunctional neopatrimonialism under President Mobutu and a social structure after the Cold War that revolves around violence. This leads to a discussion of reasons for the persistence and the character of the violence in DRC.

This paper briefly analyzes the usage of the term "civil war" as used by various actors in the beginnings of the Libyan Uprising. By using "civil war" in their rhetoric, various actors hoped to influence actions that would be taken by others. The paper highlights how opponents of the Libyan Intervention frequently called it a "civil war" in an effort to block the use of U.S. forces in Libya. The paper also looks at how President Obama deliberately avoided the usage of the term in several speeches and interviews. In conclusion, by looking at how a conflict is depicted by various actors, it can help provide insights on their motivations to avoid or participate in humanitarian interventions.

Voici la première étude sur la guerre civile syrienne faite à partir d’entretiens réalisés en Syrie même et dans les pays voisins. 2011 : des centaines de milliers de Syriens de toutes confessions et origines ethniques manifestent pacifiquement pour réclamer la démocratisation du régime. La violence de la répression les contraint à prendre les armes, à organiser une contre-société et à regrouper des unités militaires improvisées au sein de l’Armée syrienne libre.
Après 2013, cette logique inclusive et unanimiste cède progres- sivement devant la montée des groupes transnationaux comme le PKK et l’État islamique, marginalisant les groupes les plus modérés.
Comment se structure l’économie de guerre? Quels sont les effets de la guerre sur la société syrienne? Quelles nouvelles hiérarchies communautaires et sociales résultent de la violence généralisée? Comment les trajectoires sociales des Syriens sont-elles affectées?
Un livre unique qui combine une recherche de terrain – rare sur le conflit syrien – et une réflexion théorique novatrice sur les situations de guerre civile.