Studies
AnCIEnT HISTory
FROM THE “NATIONAL” TO THE
POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN
ATHENS OF THE 6TH CENTURY
BCE, AND THE EMERGENCE OF
DEMOCRACY
Eleni Krikona
Abstract: his paper addresses the construction of a “national” identity of
the Athenian inhabitants during the tyrannical governance of Peisistratos
and his sons (561/0-511/0 BCE1) mainly through a series of religious
practices, such as the transfer of cults from the rural areas to the city (asty)
of Athens, the reorganization of the Panathenaia, the establishment of
the City Dionysia, etc. he present paper investigates how this developed
“national” consciousness in the late 6th century, in the sense of the citizens’
nationalization within the borders of the Athenian city-state, could enable the
political uniication of Attica and the emergence of Democracy, taking into
account the constitutional reforms of Kleisthenes the Alcmeonid, after the
expulsion of the Peisistratidai. his paper focuses on the interpretation of
the concept of political equality and the formation of a political identity of
the Athenians in the late 6th century onwards, two notions which are treated
here as very closely integrated. It was that political consciousness, following
the constitutional changes of Kleisthenes, which led the Athenians to their
irst great military victories in the early 5th century over the Persians. hese
victories, which indisputably conirmed the strength of the constitution,
will be brought, in short, into discussion in order to clarify the transition of
Athens from the narrow borders of an archaic city-state to the rise of its naval
empire in the “golden” 5th century via the newly established Democracy.
Keywords: Sixth century Athens, festivals, Kleisthenes the Alcmeonid,
political identity, Athenian Democracy
o what extent is it safe for us to use modern terms, such as
“ethnicity” and “nation” or “imperialism” concerning the archaic
and classical period of Greece2? Even if the six characteristics of an
ethnic group, as identiied by Antony Smith3, resemble those which are used
to identify the emergent Greek city-states during the archaic period4, it is still
necessary to clarify the speciic “ethnic” characteristics within the borders
of a single, autonomous city-state, Athens, investigating the construction
of the “national” identity in the Athenians of the sixth century and its inal
equation with the political consciousness during the period of Kleisthenes’
T
All dates given are BCE.
On the ancient Greek ethnicity see in general HALL 1997; MALKIN 2001.
3
Meaning a collective name, a myth of common descent, a distinctive culture and history,
communal solidarity and identiication with a speciic territory. See in detail SMITH 1986, 21-32.
4
Cf. MORGAN 2001, 77-80.
1
2
Journal of Ancient History and Archeology No. 3.1/2016
5
Department of History and Archaeology
School of Philosophy
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
ekrikona@gmail.com
DOI: 0.14795/j.v3i1.150
ISSN 2360 – 266X
ISSN–L 2360 – 266X
Studies
reforms onwards.
he ifty years of tyrannical governance (561/0511/0), which gave the opportunity to the political reforms
of Solon to be enforced and stabilized, gradually dismantled
the aristocratic social structures in Athens. he political
power of the aristocrats diminished as the power lied in
the hands of the monarch, the tyrant. his gradually led the
people -the “plēthos”- to realize that they could be ruled
independently of the Athenian aristocrats, incorporating,
in the meantime, themselves into the political city life. In
addition, the notion of equality of all the Athenian citizens
before the tyrant, even though still conventional, had been
cultivated by Peisistratos and his sons, and stabilized5.
In the sixth century, important religious changes
took place in Athens, which pushed forward some cults
as “national” festivals. hese “national” cults not only
highlighted the importance of the asty, but led to the
formation of “ethnic” consciousness in the Athenian
inhabitants as well. Firstly, in 566/56 the Athena’s festival
was reorganized from “Athenaia” to “Panathenaia”7, meaning
the festival of all the Athenians, however, no literary or
archeological8 source conirms that it was happened under
Peisistratos, except one9. It is however certain that the
tyrants, especially Hippias and Hipparchus, broadened the
existing festival as well as the worship of Athena10.
Yet no matter how active a role Peisistratos had or
had not in 566/5, the transformation of a modest festival
to a major “national” afair was a fact. he expansion of
the Panathenaia as a supreme ceremonial expression of
the collective identity in Athens, not only raised “ethnic”
consciousness, but lessened the importance of local districts’
cults, controlled by aristocrats, as well. hrough these local
cults, the aristocrats used to force a great deal of political
control over the citizens of the rural demes but now their
political power gradually ceased.
As far as the establishment of the Great Dionysia,
also known as the City Dionysia11, is concerned, there is no
certain indication that Peisistratos actually brought the cult
of Dionysus to Athens12. It is probably more likely that the
Cf. BIrGALIAS 2009, 24-25.
on the chronology of the reorganization see ZIEHEn 1949, 459, s.v. Panathenaia;
HIGnETT 1952, 113; DAVISon 1958, 26-29; SHAPIro 1989, 19-20.
7
E.g. AnDErSon 2003, 174-177. on the origins of the Panathenaia see also
DAVISon 1958, 25-26; roBErTSon 1985, 266-267; roBErTSon 1992,
91-93. on the festival of the Panathenaia see in general FArnELL 1896, vol. I,
294-298; DEUBnEr 1959, 22-35; PArKE 1977, 33-50; SIMon 1983, 55-72;
nEILS 1996.
8
Cf. BoErSMA 2000, 49-56.
9
Sch. AELIUS ArISTIDES 13.189.4-5 (3,323 Dindorf). It is much probable,
but still contains a large element of conjecture, that it was Lycurgus, the leader
of the Plainsmen in the 560’s (HEroDoTUS 1.59), who took the initiative
of the reorganization, and whose family, the Boutadai (later Eteoboutadai)
controlled the cult of Athena Polias. See also SHAPIro 1989, 20-21;
SAnCISI-WEErDEnBUrG 2000, 80 n. 4; AnDErSon 2003, 162-163.
10
on the rhapsodic competitions at the Panathenaia under the Peisistratidai
see [Plato’s] Hipparchus, 228b. See also DAVISon 1958, 39-40; SHAPIro
1993, 92-107; SHAPIro 1989, 43-44; SLInGS 2000, 67-70. on the building
policy of the Peisistratidai, concerning the promotion of the Panathenaic
festival (old Propylon and Athena Polias temple [«Archaios neos»]) see in
general BoErSMA 1970, 20-21; SHAPIro 1989, 21-24.
11
on the festival of the Great Dionysia see in general FArnELL 1909, vol. 5,
224-230; PICKArD-CAMBrIDGE 1953, 55-103; DEUBnEr 1959, 138-142;
PArKE 1977, 125-135; SIMon 1983, 101-104.
12
Cf. KLEInE 1973, 26-28; SHAPIro 1989, 86. For the contrary view see
e.g. PArKE 1977, 128-129; SIMon 1983, 104. on the evidence associating
5
6
6 Journal of Ancient History and Archeology No. 3.1/2016
cult image from Eleutherai predated Peisistratos’ tyranny13
and that the casual strategy of tyrants, concerning the two
above-mentioned major festivals of Athens, was to “promote
cults that had been irmly established in the irst half of the
sixth century, rather to introduce new ones”, as explicitly
Shapiro underlines14.
Undoubtedly though, the tyrants’ policy, in the
attempt to ensure their political rule, was the centralization
of political power as well as the equation of the citizen
body, as a whole, with the Athenian state. Towards these
aims, Peisistratos and his sons extensively promoted the
greatest two festivals, Panathenaia and City Dionysia, as
celebrations for the whole citizenry of Athens, lessening
the political power of the aristocracy in the local districts.
In this way, the communal solidarity was emphasized and
the abstract notion of “Athens”, and “the Athenians”, was
clearly speciied to the citizenry. Now the Athenian citizens,
equal to each other on this “national” basis, could identify
with this collective name -the Athenians- and the process of
Attica’s political uniication had inally begun15, formulating
the proper basis for Athens to reach the ultimate stage of
its uniication at the end of the sixth century, through
Kleisthenes’ reorganization of the state.
he emerging “ethnic” consciousness, shaped
through constant tyrannical cult propaganda, would
indirectly support the attachment of a greater meaning to
the Athenian citizenship; as Ober precisely indicates “he
Athenian masses were increasingly conscious of themselves
not just in relation to inferior status groups within the state
but in relation to other peoples and to the Athenian state
itself”.16
During the tyrannical regime in Athens, the
formation of an undercurrent political identity17, especially
in the citizens of the asty, was in progress, mainly through
the maintenance of the solonian constitutional forms18.
he tyrants often summoned the Assembly, in order to
inform the Athenians over their political decisions or to
submit these decisions to the citizens’ judgment, seeking
their ratiication19, shaping in the meantime, unwittingly,
political consciousness. As a consequence, the importance
of the Assembly, which from the middle sixth century took
place in the Agora, increased in a political sense, such as
the importance of the centralized –during the tyrannical
governance- political power did, as the heart of the state,
the asty, had been reinforced20. Finally, as the citizen body
Peisistratos with the City Dionysia or with Dionysus Eleuthereus see KoLB
1977, 124-134.
13
But even if the cult of Dionysus was not introduced to the city by Peisistratos,
this deity of popular appeal, and his festivals, was surely encouraged by the
tyrants in an efort to deprive aristocrats from their political privileges, which
derived from their rites in rural areas. Cf. PArKE 1977, 129.
14
SHAPIro 1989, 86.
15
on the cults and festivals as a basic part of Peisistratos’ “Uniication” of
Athens see FroST 1990, 3-9.
16
oBEr 1989, 66-67.
17
Cf. oBEr 1993, 218 “he tyrants had encouraged political selfconsciousness on the part of the masses of ordinary citizens by the sponsorship
of festivals and building programs”. See also BLoK 2000, 34-38.
18
AP, 16.2; PLUTArCH, Solon, 31.3; THUCyDIDES, 6.54.6.
19
Cf. HIGnETT 1952, 152.
20
on the emergence of Athens as a “capital city” through various cults, under
the tyrants, see nilsson 1951. of course the asty of the Athenian state was
reinforced also through the development of its trade and the building projects
Studies
of Athens enlarged because of the tyrants, who gradually
conferred political rights to more and more of their foreign
supporters21, the signiicance of the citizenry boosted.
Consequently, the formation of this political identity and
self-consciousness in the Athenian Demos under the tyrants
-even though “hypnotized”22- would lead to the beginning of
a new era for the city-state of Athens; to the Emergence of
Democracy23.
After the defeat of Kleisthenes in the elections for the
archon of the year 508/7, the Alcmeonid took the Demos
into his “hetaireia”24 in order to succeed the ratiication
of his reforms by the Assembly. One may wonder how
Kleisthenes gained the loyalty of Demos, putting aside the
powers of this year’s archon, Isagoras25. And one may answer;
he simply recognized the political power of the Athenian
Demos, underlining their political identity, activating their
political consciousness26. Kleisthenes defeated Isagoras by
recognizing the absolute authority of Demos in the political
decision-making process27.
he new constitutional order, at the end of the sixth
century in Athens, was based on the political changes of
Kleisthenes, mainly on his tribal reform28, which led to
the integration of the citizenry29 and consequently, to the
reorganization of Attica as a whole. he Alcmeonid also
precisely deined the Athenian political identity. From 508/7
onwards, every existing citizen had to register in one of ca.
140 demes throughout Attica30. hese demes consisted of a
self-deined body of citizens who would be politically equal
and take the inal decisions as far as the local afairs were
concerned. Via this important political role, the political
consciousness of the Athenian citizens was even more
emphasized and promoted, rendering the main political
archonship of the decision-making process, meaning the
Assembly, dominant. Kleisthenes also established an
advisory council of 50031, which would be responsible for
the preparations of the agenda for all the meetings of the
Assembly. he delegates32, who were chosen within the
demes33, had to cooperate with other citizens from all over
Attica, as equals with one another.
he sovereignty of Demos on the political decisionmaking process was based upon a newly introduced political
idea, isēgoria, meaning the freedom of debate in the Assembly
as well as the Council of 50034. Kleisthenes, by answering
the claim of Demos35 to be part of the Athenian political
life36, introduced the notion of equality to the citizenry as
a whole. A rhetoric question inally arises; could the concept
of political equality37 be simply introduced in Athens, if the
“national” uniication of Attica, which was based upon the
concept of equality of all citizens as “the Athenians”, had not
predated?
At the end of the sixth century, due to Kleisthenes’
constitutional reforms, democratic foundations were laid
in the city-state of Athens, destroying once and for all the
aristocratic structure of Athenian society, and the dawn of
a new era for Athens had inally been reached. From now
on all the Athenian citizens would take political decisions
as equals, and ight their wars united38. he importance of
the newly established constitution that was based upon
the notion of equality stressed in the most explicit way by
Herodotus who, associating it with the Athenian military
force, quoted39:
he Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is
evident, not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality
(Isēgoria)40 is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while
they were ruled by despots were not better in war that any of
those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got rid of
the despots they became by far the irst. his proves that when
they were kept down they were willfully slack, because they were
working for a master, whereas when they had been set free, each
one was eager to achieve something for himself 41.
In the quotation above Herodotus clariies that
AP, 21.3, 43.2.
Cf. MErITT/TrAILL 1974, XV.
34
on the notion of Isēgoria see SAKELLArIoU 2008, 325. on the
chronology of the introduction of this notion in Athens see GrIFFITH 1966,
115-138; ForrEST 1966, 268-269; WooDHEAD 1967, 129-140; LEWIS
1971, 129-140; oBEr 1989, 119.
35
Meaning here the poor Athenian citizens.
36
“he masses saw that these reforms [of Kleisthenes] would provide them
with the institutional means to express more fully their growing sense of
themselves as citizens” ober 1993, 218.
37
hough still not promoted to all sides of the political life, meaning that the
concepts of isokratia and isonomia were yet to be part of the political reality
until at least the middle ith century. Isonomia as «isos + nomos», meaning
the equality before the law or through the law, becomes a political reality
in Athens via the constitutional reforms of Kleisthenes, whereas isonomia
as «isos + nemō/nomē», meaning the equal part of political power to all the
Athenian citizens, becomes a political reality in the ith century onwards. on
the concept of isonomia and its meaning and role during the archaic period,
there is a vast debate, which is not going to concern us here. Cf. rE suppl.
VII, s.v. Isonomia, 293-301 (V. Ehrenberg); EHrEnBErG 1950, 530-537;
VLASToS 1953, 337-366 (Isonomia deined as «political equality maintained
through the law and promoted by the law»); VLASToS 1964, 243-294;
LÉVÊQUE/VIDAL-nAQUET 1964, 40; oSTWALD 1969, 119-120, 137-160;
PLEKET 1972, 63-81; rAAFLAUB 1985, 115-117; BIrGALIAS 2009, 29-30
with notes 38-40, and p. 40-41.
38
he Athenian army is from now on organized according to the tribal
reform. Cf. AP, 22.2, 61.
39
5.78.
40
on the concept of Isēgoria within the works of Herodotus see
ToULoUMAKoS 1979, 120 n. 8; nAKATEGAWA 1988, 257-275.
41
Τr. G. C. Macaulay.
32
33
mainly of the Peisistratidai (e.g. AnGIoLILLo 1997, 9-100; SAnCISIWEErDEnBUrG 2000, 80 n. 3; yoUnG 1980, 166 f.). It is also reasonable
enough, but still contains a large element of conjecture, the construction of the
archaic city wall (Cf. HEroDoTUS 7.140; STrABo, 9.396; THUCyDIDES,
1.89.3, 1.93.2) under the tyrants, which determined decisively the public
character of the Agora.
21
on Peisistratos and party politics see FrEnCH 1959, 50. on his supporters
who received political rights the testimony is indirect; Cf. AP, 13.5: «μετά τήν
τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν ἐποίησαν διαψηφισμόν», meaning that ater the
expulsion of the Peisistratidai the Athenians doubted the right of «οἱ τῷ γένει
μή καθαροί» (most probably the foreign supporters of the tyrants) to possess
Athenian citizenship. See also HIGnETT 1952, 112, 133.
22
See also oBEr 1993, 218.
23
Cf. EHrEnBErG 1950, 515-548; oSTWALD 1969; rAAFLAUB/oBEr/
WALLACE 2007.
24
HEroDoTUS 5.66; AP, 20.1.
25
he questions of how, when and in which form he passed into the Athenian
Assembly his political reforms are not going to concern us here.
26
on the watchword isonomia as a banner of Kleisthenes, aiming at taking
the Demos into his political side, see oSTWALD 1969, 155-157 with note 2 p.
157; oBEr 1989, 74; oBEr 1993, 228.
27
«ἀποδιδούς τῷ πλήθει τήν πολιτείαν» (AP, 20.1-2). on the vast debate
concerning the meaning of this quote see WADE-GEry 1933, 21; HIGnETT
1952, 126 f., 130, 393-394; oSTWALD 1969, 155 f.; LÉVÊQUE/VIDALnAQUET 1964, 51-53; rHoDES 1993, 248.
28
HEroDoTUS 5.66.2, 5.69; AP, 21; Aristotle’s Politics, 6.1319b 23-29.
29
E.g. LEWIS 1963, 22-40; TrAILL 1975.
30
Cf. LAMBErT 1993, 29-30; ISMArD 2007, 28-30.
31
AP, 21.3. on the Boule see rHoDES 1972.
Journal of Ancient History and Archeology No. 3.1/2016
7
Studies
Athens, meaning the Athenians themselves who are at last
identiied with their own state, is strong and conscious of
its strength because of the newly born constitution, which is
closely integrated here with the concept of freedom.
he most explicit proof for Herodotus’ statement
came a few years after the political reforms of Kleisthenes,
when Athens was called to support the cause of the Ionian
revolt in the early ifth century42. he Athenians answered
positively to Aristagoras’ call for military help for Miletus.
Even though the Ionian revolt failed43, Athens was the only
Hellenic city-state44 that doubted, for the irst time ever, the
rule of the vast Persian Empire. he Persians did not hesitate
to declare the war against a small Greek polis, somewhere in
the West, as they would have surely perceived Athens.
To say in detail the course of military enterprises
during the decade 490-479 is hardly necessary and would
take us too far aield45, for we are interested only in the
political meaning of the Athenian victories over the Persians
in the battle of Marathon (490) and the naval battle of
Salamis (480). Athens, in the early ifth century, opposed
the “slavery” of the Persian monarchy choosing its freedom,
in other words its Democracy, which was irmly integrated
to the notion of liberty, as Herodotus concludes above.
Athens defeated Persia thanks to its constitution; the
Athenians, due to their increased political consciousness,
chose to defend their state, their constitution, themselves46.
It was that political consciousness that won these battles
against the Persians, conirming in the most explicit way
the constitutional strength of Athens. And it was then the
critical moment for the Athenians to establish a marine
Confederacy47 with its center at Delos48 (478/7-454/3), which
would have as its main purpose to bring freedom over the
enslaved Ionian states as well as to protect the independence
of the states that took part in this Federacy, as allies.
It is hardly surprising that in the period of the
Persian wars, the Athenians began to feel more aware of
the new political order and the dawn of a new era in their
state. It was during this period when the law of Ostracism
was enforced for the very irst time49, the political power of
the nine Archons reduced50, and two of the most important
constitutional communal bodies, meaning the Council
of 500 and the tribunal of Heliaia, started to operate. he
most important political fact though, as a consequence of
the Persian wars, was that the political role of the hetes,
the poorest Athenian citizens, increased as it was mainly
because of them that Athens won the naval battle of Salamis.
Yet above all, it was the hetes who moved the Athenian
leet, which would gradually rule the Aegean defending the
vital interests of the state.
HEroDoTUS 5.38.2.
E.g. HUXLEy 1966, 144-153.
44
Eretria sent military forces as well, consisting of ive ships, out of loyalty to
their old friendship with Miletus.
45
See in general BUrn 1984; CAH 1988, vol. IV, 491-622.
46
«ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ προθεθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι» (HEroDoTUS 5.78).
47
AP, 23.5; PLUTArCH, Aristides, 24; THUCyDIDES, 1.96.
48
on the Delian league see in general MEIGGS 1972, 42 f; CAH 1988, vol.
IV, 461-490.
49
Cf. AP, 22.3: «θαρροῦντος ἤδη τοῦ δήμου τότε πρῶτον ἐχρήσαντο τῷ νόμῳ
τῷ περί τόν ὀστρακισμόν»; Arpokration, FGrHist IIIB, 64 (F 6); Filochorus,
FGrHist IIIB, 107 f. (F 30).
50
As the procedure of the archons’ selection changes; Cf. AP, 22.5.
42
43
8 Journal of Ancient History and Archeology No. 3.1/2016
he constitutional reforms of Ephialtes51 and Pericles52
irmly established the political rule of Demos, concerning
not only the decision-making process, in which Demos’ rule
was sovereign and undisputed from the Kleisthenic period
onwards, but the command of the state afairs as well, which
in the last decade of the sixth century and the early ifth was
still in the hands of the aristocrats53.
Due to the fact that the military force of the Athenian
state derived from its constitution, it was highly necessary
that Democracy would be supported not only by the
state laws but by the religious practices as well54. For this
purpose the political cult of the “Ten Eponymous Heroes”
was created55, through which the Athenians worshiped the
uniication of Athens and the communal solidarity. he
Athenians also emphasized the worship of the Tyrannicides56
in honor of the beginnings of their political freedom from
the tyrannical-monarchical bonds. In addition, the worship
of heseus, the Hero of Democracy, as the main person
responsible for Attica’s uniication and mythical founder of
Democracy57, in contrast to Hercules, the Hero of Tyranny58,
reached its peak59. Athens also highly projected the concept
of autochthony60 that was proven as the most powerful way
for the Athenians to identify themselves with the territory
of Attica. Moreover, the Panathenaia, the festival of all the
Athenians, was decisively promoted under Democracy61.
Finally, it was not at all by chance that the Periclean building
program mainly concerned a city zone strictly religious in
character, the Acropolis of Athens. Consequently, through
this well organized religious policy in support of Democracy,
the “national” consciousness of the Athenian citizens
was further raised, serving though now clearly political
purposes62.
he obvious supremacy of the Athenians in
comparison to their allies of the Delian Confederacy63,
inevitably drove Athens to claim the absolute rule of the
Aegean. And as Rostovtzef most explicitly states “here
were now two alternatives before Athens; either to renounce
the mastery of the Aegean and revert to the state of things
before the Persian wars, or to convert the confederation into
E.g. JonES 1987, 53-76; PICCIrILLI 1988.
E.g. WEBEr 1985; BrULÉ 1994.
53
here is no literal testimony that Kleisthenes diminished the political
power of the nine archons or the aristocratic Boule of Areios Pagos. Cf.
MoSSÉ 1971, 30; BIrGALIAS 2007, 135. he Alcmeonid also maintained the
ancient religious units intact (AP, 21.6).
54
on religion and politics in democratic Athens see BUrKErT 1996, 51-65;
SHAPIro 1994, 123-129. on the political iconography of the ith century
Athens see BoEDEKEr/rAAFLAUB (eds.) 1998, esp. HӦLSCHEr 153-183.
55
on the cult of the ten Eponymous Heroes see KEArnS 1989; PArKEr
1996, 155-156, 173-175. See also MATTUSCH 1994, 73-81.
56
AP, 58.1; Δημοσθένης, 19.280; IG Iᶟ 131. See also PoDLECKI 1966, 129141; FornArA 1970, 155-180; Taylor 1981.
57
EUrIPIDES, Suppliants, 353, 404-408, 433-441; PAUSAnIAS 1.3.3-4;
PLUTArCH, heseus, 24; SoPHoCLES, Oedipus at Colonus, 911 f. See also
rE suppl. XIII, s.v. heseus, 1212 f. (H. Herter).
58
E.g. BoArDMAn 1972, 57-72; BoArDMAn 1975, 1-12. See also BLoK
1990, 17-28.
59
on heseus in association with the Panathenaia and Democracy see
TIVErIoS 1994, 131-142.
60
Cf. SHAPIro 1998, 127-151. on the autochthony of the Athenians see e.g.
hucydides, 2.36.1 «τήν γάρ χώραν οἱ αὐτοί [οἱ πρόγονοι] αἰεί οἰκοῦντες …
ἐλευθέραν…παρέδοσαν».
61
Cf. SHAPIro 1996, 215-225.
62
on the ethnic identity in democratic Athens see also CoHEn 2001, 235-274.
63
Concerning the wealth, the military strength, and the constitutional forms.
51
52
Studies
an Athenian Empire”64. Athens chose to rule over the states
of the Delian Confederacy instead of presiding them because
it would be impossible to take the alternative way. he
Athenians’ demand over the allies65 was that they would pay
tribute to Athens66, a condition whose maintenance was to
be secured by force, in exchange for their protection. But it
was not only because of this demand that Athens had inally
become a naval Empire. he further victories of Cimon over
the Persians, the gradual choice for more and more allies to
contribute to the Confederacy by paying tribute instead of
ofering ships, the uprisings of the allies (e.g. Naxos, hasos)
and their ensuing suppression, the fortiication of Athens
and Piraeus with the “Long Walls”, which secured the city as
well as the harbor from possible attacks by land, permitting
to Athens to carry on its activities freely, the gradual increase
of its military forces, and inally the transfer of the federal
funds from Delos to the Acropolis of Athens (454/3), led to
the conversion of the Delian League into the vast Athenian
Empire67.
In conclusion, within the period of ca. a century, from
the middle sixth to the middle ifth century, Athens was
transformed from a small archaic city-state, with no political
or military signiicance whatsoever, into a united conscious
political community, which ran the internal afairs of the
Athenian “nation-state” democratically and the external
ones following imperialistic practices68. here was only one
Greek polis that could and would doubt the sole dominance
of Athens in the Hellenic territory in the ifth century;
Sparta, supported by its allies of the Peloponnesian League.
he Peloponnesian war would be soon upon them and Athens
not only would face a harsh defeat but most importantly,
would sufer the forced overthrow of Democracy temporarily
and the loss of the leadership in the Aegean permanently69.
ABBREVIATIONS
AP: [Aristotle’s] Athenaion Politeia
FGrHist: F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen
Historiker, Berlin-Leiden 1923-1958.
IG I3: Inscriptiones Graecae I: Inscriptiones Atticae
Euclidis anno anteriores, 3rd edition, vol. I, ed. by D. Lewis,
Berlin 1981.
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