Gender Studies

What implications does the Srin-mo, a pre-Buddhist deity who traverses across almost all of the periods of time in Tibetan religious life, have on the social status of women? Embodying the places and spaces of Tibet, a malevolent demoness called the Srin-mo has been essential in laying the formation of Tibetan Buddhism. The concept of the Srin-mo can be traced back to the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet: Bön. The story of the Srin-mo is not a creation myth in the sense of a worldly inception,  but the story of the demoness does represent the creation of a harmonious society, spurring from the preceding time of primordial chaos found amongst the Bön religion. Looking at the origins of the demoness’ story is necessary in order to understand how and why the Srin-mo holds efficacious power over the land and people of Tibet. Here, I will investigate the case of the Srin-mo, which is controversially one of the most important beings in Tibet, but unquestionably, an irrevocable component of understanding what implications geography holds on Tibet.

Les films "Trois hommes et un couffin" de Coline Serreau et "Three Men and a Baby"
de Leonard Nimoy sont analysés ici de façon comparative. L’auteure explique
la façon dont la version américaine fait une « re-vision » du regard attendri
que Coline Serreau portait sur les nouveaux hommes nés des mouvements et des
analyses féministes. La nouvelle masculinité (non phallique) illustrée (désirée?) dans le film français est totalement abolie et remplacée par l’idéologie patriarcale américaine chez Nimoy.

The films "Trois hommes et un couffin" by French filmmaker, Coline Serreau, and "Three Men and a Baby" by American director and actor,  Leonard Nimoy, are analyzed here in a comparative way. The author explains how the American remake "re-vises" Serreau's tender gaze on the new men born out of the feminist movements and gender relations. The new (non-phallic) masculinity illustrated (wished-for?)  in the French film is totally abolished and replaced by the patriarchal ideology of the American film.

1758 : François Boucher réalise le portrait de Jeanne-Antoinette Poisson, maîtresse du roi Louis XV mieux connue sous le nom de Madame de Pompadour. Le peintre rococo place judicieusement des touches de rose — sur des rubans, ses joues et ses lèvres — afin de dénoter du pouvoir de la favorite qui a su imposer son influence sur les arts et la mode en jouant des apparences et de la séduction. 2014 : héritière d’un empire hôtelier et star de téléréalité, Paris Hilton apparait à Beverly Hills entièrement vêtue de rose et sortant d’une Bentley rose bonbon. Moquée par les medias qui ne manquent pas de la photographier, elle est comparée à une poupée et réduite superficiellement à sa plastique, ce qui ne l’empêche pas d’asseoir sa supériorité financière et sociale au travers de la haute-couture et de l’automobile de luxe. Quelques siècles séparent Pompadour de Hilton, et pourtant, elles se servent toutes deux du rose avec habileté et stratégie : elles revendiquent leur féminité et leur usage des cosmétiques et de la mode à des fins de séduction, tout en soulignant leur statut social, leur pouvoir politique ou financier, et leur influence. Revendiquée avec un certain excès, cette hyperféminité en rose joue du stéréotype du rose-pour-les-filles en forçant le contraste entre une supériorité de classe et la position inférieure des femmes dans un système patriarcal où elles demeurent dans une posture d’impuissance. En articulant études de genre, études des couleurs et histoire, il s’agit de mettre en évidence la manière dont le rose et sa symbolique féminine ont pu être utilisés par les femmes dans des stratégies visibles de pouvoir. En adoptant une approche comparative entre une figure aristocratique du XVIIIe siècle et une personnalité médiatique du XXIe siècle (par ailleurs également héritière d’une fortune), je montrerai comment l’usage de la couleur rose comme marqueur de féminité, dans ses ressemblances et ses différences, a su s’adapter au contexte social et culturel qui modifie la perception et la réception de ses symboliques.

The female terrorist circulates within contemporary Western culture as an object of fascination and heightened concern. Gender and the Political analyses cultural constructions of the female terrorist, arguing that she operates as a limit case of both feminine and feminist agency. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical framework, this book demonstrates that the development of the discourse on terrorism evolves in parallel with, and in response to, radical feminism in the US in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Situated at the borderlines between sexuality, threat and abjection, Amanda Third argues that the figure of the female terrorist compels a reexamination of the project of radical politics and the limits of modernity.

http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/gender-and-the-political-amanda-third/?K=9781137402752

"A fascinating exploration of the historical twinning of terrorism and feminism in the U.S. By redirecting our attention to these important discourses emerging in the 60's and 70s, this book provides a crucial corrective to counter post 9/11 anxieties that continually project the terrorist as somehow coming from elsewhere." - Jasbir K. Puar, Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies, Rutgers University, USA

"Amanda Third's Gender and the Political convincingly argues that the modern concepts of terrorism and feminism are historically and conceptually interwoven. The book does this by reading terrorism studies against the grain while simultaneously positioning the concept of terrorism as a central trope of postmodern thought. These two discourses - the former increasingly foundational to, the latter highly critical of, the modern state and social order - are placed in fruitful conversation with one another, resulting in a deeply illuminating study of the contemporary political terrain in the United States." - Mehmet Döşemeci, Assistant Professor of History, Bucknell University, USA

My article examines the relationship between space, class and gender using wealthy golf clubs in contemporary Mexico City as a case study. I argue that these clubs are strategic sites where economic elites naturalize the arbitrary logic of their own privilege through the spatial reification of class and gender principles. The article is based on two main sources of information, a) an ethnography of three exclusive golf clubs; and b) 58 in-depth interviews conducted among golfers, caddies, and other people related to the world of golf. In theoretical terms, I argue that Bourdieu's concepts of doxa and habitus represent two notions that allow researchers to examine the multiple ways in which economic elites perpetuate dynamics of domination and subordination through space and spatial practices. This work fills a void in the literature of contemporary elites in Latin America as well as suggests a studying-up space-sensitive sociological perspective.

Violence against lesbians and gay men has increasingly captured media and scholarly attention. But these reports tend to focus on one segment of the LGBT community—white, middle class men—and largely ignore that part of the community that arguably suffers a larger share of the violence—racial minorities, the poor, and women. In Violence against Queer People, sociologist Doug Meyer offers the first investigation of anti-queer violence that focuses on the role played by race, class, and gender. Drawing on interviews with forty-seven victims of violence, Meyer shows that LGBT people encounter significantly different forms of violence—and perceive that violence quite differently—based on their race, class, and gender. His research highlights the extent to which other forms of discrimination—including racism and sexism—shape LGBT people's experience of abuse. He reports, for instance, that lesbian and transgender women often described violent incidents in which a sexual or a misogynistic component was introduced, and that LGBT people of color sometimes weren't sure if anti-queer violence was based solely on their sexuality or whether racism or sexism had also played a role. Meyer observes that given the many differences in how anti-queer violence is experienced, the present media focus on white, middle-class victims greatly oversimplifies and distorts the nature of anti-queer violence. In fact, attempts to reduce anti-queer violence that ignore race, class, and gender run the risk of helping only the most privileged gay subjects. Many feel that the struggle for gay rights has largely been accomplished and the tide of history has swung in favor of LGBT equality. Violence against Queer People, on the contrary, argues that the lives of many LGBT people—particularly the most vulnerable—have improved very little, if at all, over the past thirty years.

In the 21st century, when women have acquired equal rights in all spheres of life, the subject of women empowerment appears by default in literature. In this regard, Amish Tripathi’s fiction presents certain fascinating aspects. Shiva Trilogy is a mythic Fiction based on mythology related to Lord Shiva, the prime deity in Hindu Religion. He has re imagined a utopian society called Meluha, created by the Hindu God, Lord Ram, as per his ideals. It is interesting to analyse the status Amish assigns to the women in his visualization of Ram Rajya through mythic archetypes like; Shiva and sati, prototype of Lord Shiva and Goddess Sati. The setting of his fiction is 1900 BC, the period when the projected Saraswati Civilization, commonly referred to as Indus Valley Civilization, collapsed. This fiction presents the status of women in the distant past, intuited by today’s ideals of feminism. This article analyses the shades of feminist approach undertaken by Amish in his mythic fiction Shiva Trilogy which includes The Immortal of Meluha (2010), The Secret of Nagas (2011) and The Oath of Vayuputras (2013).

Military is a profession which is mostly dominated by men. Often the words like combat, war and bravery are used for men folk. However, the scenario has changed in last few decades and women have also been commissioned in the forces in many countries. Despite the induction of women in forces they are mostly assigned desk jobs and not taken for combat role or command positions. Since their induction, women are having only 15% or less representation in forces worldwide. They continue to strive to achieve professional competence in the field. Women today are excelling in every field but military is a field where their potential has not been recognised yet. The current paper presents a review of relevant studies in order to investigate the root of gender variance in forces and provides an in-depth understanding into the issues and challenges in achieving gender equality in forces. Various psychological theories along with supporting studies have been discussed to critically analyse the pros and cons of employing women in combat role. It is recognized that armed forces need the fittest and finest, irrespective of gender. Hence, a competency based approach in deployment for combat role is recommended as it will give women equal opportunity to prove their competency and serve in combat role.

This article interrogates the settler colonial history of Thunder Bay through place names and argues that gendered forms of anti-Indigenous violence are part of the city's social architecture. Between 1860 and 1910, settlers produced vast amounts of wealth and built a local industrial economy founded upon land-based resources such as silver, timber, and shale; at the same time, settlers forcefully relocated Anishnaabe peoples to multiple reserve sites, prevented them from participating in the emergent industrial economy, and used their sacred mountain as a quarry for brick-making and as a stop-butt for a settler rifle range. The article deploys the concept of settler colonial reterritorialization to critique the ways in which this history has been sanctioned and celebrated through local place names such as Mount McKay, Fort William, Port Arthur, and Simpson Street. Ultimately, I show that the material violence of enfolding the land and its resources into an exploitative and exclusive settler colonial economy emerged in tandem with the power to name the land in honour of white men who played primary roles in that very violent historical process.

In Sicilia, il romanzo storico incarna una parte consistente dell’identità e delle ideologie dominanti sin dall’Unità del 1861. Dopo la morte di Sciascia, l’avvio della fortuna di Camilleri e l’uscita del romanzo "La lunga vita di Marianna Ucrìa" di Dacia Maraini, gli anni Novanta prestano la scena a numerosi ripensamenti, sospingono e incoraggiano una dislocazione della Sicilia storico-letteraria fissata in stereotipi e formule stantie.
Sopraggiunta la fine dei generi, sembra aprirsi anche per la letteratura siciliana la stagione del genere. Questo libro guarda al romanzo della Storia nel luogo Sicilia – meta fisica, mentale, simbolica – scrutando l’universo di alcune autrici capaci di lasciare segnali indelebili sul corpo di una scrittura in continua evoluzione, proprio a partire dagli anni Novanta. Attraverso analisi testuali e riflessioni teoriche, nascono ipotesi e domande. Cosa significa interrogarsi sulla condizione delle donne attraverso la scrittura? Si può davvero parlare di ‘differenza di genere’ per le narrazioni a firma femminile in Sicilia? Qual è il peso dell’orizzonte discorsivo radicatosi con la creazione (anche letteraria) di una regione ‘colonizzata’ dal Nord dopo l’unificazione? E poi, quale contributo offrono oggi queste scritture alla nostra percezione del genere storico?
Le storie e microstorie qui esaminate escono dal territorio sicuro della tradizione spostandone il baricentro, intridono la lingua di miti, dialetti e interferenze documentarie, dialogano con i fantasmi letterari dei padri, evocano umanità non convenzionali, ritrovano voci femminili e maschili perdute. Ma soprattutto rompono, consapevolmente o meno, l’ossatura culturale e ideologica di un certo immaginario potente, paradigmatico, consolatorio.

La monarquía sobrevivió al siglo de las revoluciones por su gran capacidad de adaptación a los cambios políticos, sociales y culturales. Especialmente importante fue su vertiente de representación política en términos nacionales, algo respaldado desde la teoría por su habilidad de unificar social, territorial y culturalmente a la nación. Este artículo analiza cómo utilizó la monarquía la moda para representar en un sentido integrador un Estado multinacional, asumiendo la función política que el liberalismo decimonónico le encomendó. Igualmente definió su posición en el sistema político y cultural posrevolucionario pensando su figura entre la excepcionalidad y cotidianeidad y en un discurso de género de un alcance progresivamente mayor. De esta forma, demostraremos que la monarquía participó activamente en el juego político y cultural a través del control de unos mecanismos de definición, de unos espacios de representación y de unos símbolos de identidad.

The field of legal gender regulation across the world has been developing at an ever increasing pace across the last two decades. This chapter aims to consider the development of legal gender regulation by focusing on England and Wales as one specific jurisdiction in which key changes can be observed. In doing so this chapter seeks to chart the key normative underpinnings, particularly concerns about the validity of trans identities, that seem to underpin most, if not all laws focusing on trans people. While charting the development of legal gender regulation in England and Wales since 2003, this chapter questions whether the solution to persisting issues with the existing legal framework can be found in further legal amendments or whether such amendments will simply perpetuate existing inequalities.

En el presente trabajo Françoise Collin reflexiona sobre el concepto " transmisión " y su papel a la hora de construir una relación simbólica entre distintas generaciones de mujeres. Vinculada a la historia y a la idea de afiliación, constituye además una posibilidad política y ética que puede renovar el feminismo y ayudar a la constitución de un espacio simbólico compartido entre mujeres y hombres. An Inheritance without a Will In the present essay, Françoise Collin reflects on " transmission " as a concept and on its role in the construction of a symbolic relationship between different generations of women. Bound up with history and with the idea of affiliation, " transmission " also constitutes a political and ethical possibility for renewing feminism and aiding in the constitution of a symbolic space shared between women and men.

Rabbinic literature, both halakhic and midrashic, is replete with discussions pertaining to pregnancy and the new mother. Yet, as is true of classical sources in Graeco-Roman literature, the subjective perspective and experience of the mother is largely bypassed in rabbinic texts. In this article, I survey the manner in which birthing mothers are marginalized in rabbinic texts and demonstrate that while the absence of a female perspective is not an unusual feature in rabbinic discourse,  a midrashic text discovered in the Cairo Genizah almost a century ago represents a striking exception to this general picture.

All those desires, discriminations, success stories, confrontations that otherwise might not
have seeped in mainstream discourses are subtly said through the stories that mirror Arab
women’s lives. Girls of Riyadh is a postmodern cyber-fiction that delineates with the subjects
usually we do not get to hear much about i.e. the quest of heterosexual love and matrimony of
young Arab women from a lesser women friendly geography of Saudi Arabia. Though in last
two decades the scholarship on alternative discourses, producing Muslim women have been
multitudinous, yet there is a scarcity of critical investigations dealing with creative
constructions of postfeminist, empowered, Muslim woman, not battling with patriarchal
power structures, but negotiating aspects that matter most in real life: human associations and
familial formations. This paper engages with the categories of love, marriage, and sexuality
drawing upon the lives of four educated, successful, ‘velvet class’ Saudi women. The
significance of this study is linked with carefully challenging some of the stereotypes about
Arab women as victims of forced marriages and their commonly perceived discomfort with
love at large. The study reveals, it is men who need to man up against cultural conventions
since women are increasingly expressive in their choices and brave enough to face the
consequences audaciously.

Author’s Note
Undertaking the research for this paper proved to be a challenging exercise. A theme such as ‘The Experience of Engendering Local Government in the Commonwealth Caribbean’ assumes that information on local government exists and what is perhaps lacking is how women have fared in local government structure. Instead I found there is a paucity of information on local government in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Very little documented, accessible information exists. Library searches and different types of consultations and referrals reveal inadequate sources of information on women and local government. I was forced to modify the title of the paper because at this phase we do not yet know the experiences of women and local government.

The aim of this work is to discuss the literature written by women in a decentralized way to
what is culturally attributed to the feminine and the very notion of woman, which also compulsorily
supposes heterosexuality. The critical reading proposed has the basic concept of "space off" (DE
LAURETIS, 1994) to think the speeches that inhabit spaces inside and outside the dominant culture, the
"blind spot" implicit but invisible in a position of contradiction and resistance capable of (re)constructing
and (re)inscripting the gender. Initially, I seek to demonstrate why the notion of feminine is here
problematized, opting for thinking literature written by women and about lesbianity as a discourse that
comes from this alternative space, from the breaches of the hegemonic discourse, threatening its stability.
Then the work Thérèse et Isabelle (2000) by Violette Leduc is here analyzed to think about the possibilities
in the literature of a discourse, whose theme is not only an experience of women, but the relationship
between two girls, articulated in a text that explores the desiring body in its plurality. Such work is
identified as belonging to the “lesbian continuum” thought by Adrienne Rich (2010), whose very existence
is a way to break the hegemonic discourse through the fissures breaking out inside the discourse itself.

This article focuses on the precariousness of everyday life of half-Jews during the Nazi-regime in Vienna. Marriages between Jews and non-Jews as well as the presence of their half-Jewish children represented an antagonism that was a permanent threat to the integrity of the Nazi regime. According to the Nuremberg Laws, half-Jews were either defined as Mischlinge of the first degree or as Geltungsjuden, depending on their denomination. Even though they were in most cases exempt from deportation, the plans to include them in the Final solution were never fully given up. Particularly during the last years of the war – after the majority of the Austrian Jewish population had been deported – the protection of half-Jews became more precarious and even trivial infractions against Nazi laws could lead to imprisonment and deportation.

Objectives
The objective of the study is to gain a deeper understanding of the issues, constraints, and concerns experienced by women in African militaries. The study represents a deliberate decision
to feature African women’s opinions and points of view. The study moves away from mainstream analysis and is narrative and descriptive. This study presumes the reader will analyze and interpret the participant’s opinions.

This book examines the emergence of protective labor legislation and maternity benefits in Sweden and Germany. It addresses three central questions. Why was the early formation of welfare states in some countries more gendered than in others? Were gender politics relevant for the emergence of different welfare state regimes? How do we conceptualize gender as an explanatory category in comparative welfare state analysis? The study focuses on two countries that played a prominent role in the development of welfare states. With its legislation from the 1880s, Germany was the pioneer of compulsory workers’ insurance, and with its pension law of 1913 Sweden became the first country to introduce a universal social insurance scheme. In spite of these landmark innovations, there is extraordinarily little research looking into the rise of these two countries’ welfare states from a gendered perspective. For example, it is not well known that Bismarck’s health insurance law of 1883 made Germany the first country to introduce a maternity allowance for women workers. Roughly the same is true of Sweden. It was not in the era of social democracy, the 1930s, that maternity benefits were first proposed, but much earlier, in 1912, and as a state-subsidized allowance within the framework of voluntary health insurance.
Maternalist policies are rather contested among feminist scholars. On the one hand, some see these polices as having created and solidified a status of secondary citizenship for women. I argue that it is important to distinguish between visionary concepts and Realpolitik. Maternalist policies must be situated within a continuum of paradoxical gender relations: Motherhood can be used both to exclude women from citizenship and to include them. Social provisions for mothers were the focus of multiple and often contradictory objectives. They were a means to promote women’s economic independence – and its opposite. National women’s movements could be proponent as well as opponents of a gendered differentiation within protective labor legislation. This book examines the objectives that decisively influenced the strategies and identities of the political actors who shaped the conception of maternalist policies in Sweden and Germany before the First World War. Why Sweden and Germany? Sweden and Germany are ideal subjects for a comparative study of two countries. On the one hand, they present two similar cases of sociohistorical development. Both countries were characterized by late and rapid industrialization, late democratization, a traditionally strong state, a weak bourgeoisie, and early mobilization of the labor movement. On the other hand, despite these similarities they produced quite different types of welfare states. Today their welfare states are regarded as representative of two contrasting types: in Germany a conservative welfare state based on status and labor, and in Sweden a social democratic, universalistic welfare state based on citizenship. Both welfare states are also seen as having radically different gender specifics, with Germany representing a strong male breadwinner model and Sweden a weak one. Even in the early phases of welfare state formation, important differences were becoming evident. This study, by contrast, will show that each of these two countries had a considerably different gender order from the outset. I argue that greater gender solidarity was not a product of Sweden’s later, universalist welfare state; rather, it was an important element in the very rise of that kind of welfare state. On the other hand, the status orientation of German social policy was intrinsically related to safeguarding masculine status and to male closure of the public and political sphere during the early phase of welfare state formation. The research strategy pursued in this book links the explanatory framework of historical institutionalism to insights from discursive analysis. A fine-grained inquiry into decision-making processes is combined with a long-term perspective on state- and nation-building and on the formation of social classes and political actors. In Chapter 1 I critically review the variety of theories within comparative welfare state analysis and formulate a gender-inclusive approach based on interweaving historical institutionalism with discursive analysis. Chapter 2 examines the emergence of protective labor legislation in Germany. It demonstrates that the gendering of protective regulations was the result of a particular political constellation, enormously conflict-ridden and loaded with cultural cleavages, in which social welfare rights were posed against political citizenship. The feminization of protective labor legislation had its counterpart in an extreme masculinization of political identities. A strongly gender-differentiated citizen status rendered work in home and family care invisible while coding women’s wage labor as harmful to the social body. Chapter 3 shows how the pioneering invention of the maternity allowance in Germany amounted to a carryover of this constellation. Though its incorporation into the status-differentiated system of sickness insurance, however, the maternity allowance was tied into solidaristic relations that had very little to do with mothers’ life situations. Chapter 4 seeks to explain why Sweden did not adopt any gender-specific regulations for its first modern social welfare legislation around 1890. It is significant that there was initially no link between efforts at workplace protection and strategies against female work. The priority of economic over cultural cleavages eased the way for a “rational” manner of dealing with gender conflicts in both the political arena and in the processes of class formation. Two main pillars of modern gender dualism were not yet established in Sweden at the end of the 19th century: the interpretive patterns of physiological sexism and the universalization of political citizenship for men. Chapter 5 traces the struggle for the extension of the maternity allowance in Germany before the First World War. From the moment of its birth, the German welfare state is marked by a paradox that will leave a lasting imprint on it. Germany pioneered motherhood-oriented social policies, yet the German women’s movement had no influence at all on these early provisions. These benefits were embedded in relations of solidarity, which hindered polices friendly toward women in the long run. Chapter 6 explores Sweden’s introduction of a maternity leave for factory workers in 1900 and its ban on night work for women in 1909. Chapter 7 investigates the failure to invent an independent motherhood insurance in Sweden in 1912. Because Sweden had no compulsory sickness insurance at that time, the government drafted a bill to introduce a stand-alone maternal insurance for female factory workers. Swedish women were strong enough to prevent the institutionalization of a program based, as they perceived it, on false solidarities. Swedish women explicitly rejected the notion that there can be solidarity among women based on the experience of maternity and that might give rise to redistributive policies.

In the field of identity politics and cultural identity, the representation of differences plays a crucial role. The extent of the differences a society has determines the social outcomes in divergent ways. Surely, there are other variables that cause social anxiety or communal solidarity such as religious views, socio-political conditions and also gender relations. To the point of departure, the case of homosexuality, or in a general way, the boundaries of sexuality is very controversial field so as to reveal the effects of ideologies, social conditions and historical past where all of these evolved through times. In order to understand and to reach a general view, the experiences of small towns are very decisive and unavoidable parts of such studies. As a basic explanation, that is why Arlene Stein chooses to make an ethnographic study in the USA around 1990s. In this paper, I will try to make a basic analysis of ‘The Stranger Next Door: The Story of a Small Community’s Battle Over Sex, Faith and Civil Rights’ by presenting my reading of this story and through reacting to the general points.

We start with a theatre, and two moments of astonishing gender transgression. One happened in a theatre on a hillside in the center of Athens on a spring day in late March of 431 BCE. The second happened there sixteen years later, in March of 415 BCE. Both took place as the audience watched tragedies by the poet Euripides. These plays were about gendered oppression, sexual pain, rape, slavery and the horrors of war.

Ausgehend von einer multidimensionalen Analyseperspektive werden im diesem Artikel 5 Argumente praesentiert, mit deren Hilfe die Diskussionsgrundlage erweitert werden soll. Erstens: Diskussionen um Zwangsheirat, die sich bloB auf die EheschlieBung konzentrieren, greifen zu kurz. Zwangsheirat beinhaltet zwei Komponenten, die unterschiedliche Problem- und Zwangslagen hervorbringen: die Zwangsverheiratung und die Zwangsehe. Zweitens: Zwangsverheiratung ist vor allem ein Konflikt zwischen den Generationen (d.h. meist eine Konfliktsituation der Jugend mit der eigenen Eltemgeneration) und eine Problematik von hauslicher Gewalt. Drittens: Interpretationen, die Zwangsheirat mit der ('rueckstaendigen') Kultur gewisser lmmigrantengruppen zu erklaren versuchen, versperren den Blick auf die multidimensionalen Faktoren, die hinter diesen Zwangssituationen stecken, naemlich unterschiedliche Vorstellungen der ersten und der zweiten Einwanderergeneration von Partnerwahl, Heirat und Ehe, transnationale V erpflichtungen, Situationen sozialer Marginalisierung sowie restriktive Einwanderungspolitiken und Aufenthaltsregelungen. Viertens: Zwangsheirat betrifft nicht nur Frauen, sondem auch Manner. Aufgrund von ge- schlechtsspezifischen Vorstellungen ueber Maennlichkeit und Weiblichkeit sind aber die Handlungsspielraume von Frauen eingeschraenkter als diejenigen von Mannem. Als Folge davon sind Frauen viel staerker von hauslicher Gewalt betroffen. Letztlich koennen betroffene Personen nicht ausschlieBlich als Opfer von Zwangssituationen betrachtet werden. Sie entwickeln eine Reihe von Strategien, urn die familiaren Konflikte zu loesen. Die Ressourcenlage der betroffenen Personen variiert allerdings in Abhaengigkeit von Geschlecht, sozialer Stellung in der Familie, Bildung, Herkunft und oko- nomischer Situation.

This article examines the fashion for dressing à la grecque among elite women in late Directorial and Consular France. The discourse on Greek fashion served multiple, competing agendas. Neoclassical fashion presented opportunities for women's self-fashioning and agency as well as for reifying and essentializing femininity. Laying claim to the political and artistic virtues associated with the grandeur of classical antiquity, women who adopted neoclassical dress took on roles as arbiters of taste and aesthetics and as works of art themselves.

El estudio que presentamos en este informe es fruto de una necesidad que destacamos en el proyecto MIP. Nació como un proyecto que pretendía profundizar en una cuestión específica que se manifestó como un fenómeno de gran impacto entre la población femenina reclusa: la violencia contra las mujeres. Este estudio, como el que lo ha precedido, parte de una posición consciente: la de no victimizar, no culpabilizar, no criminalizar, ni medicalizar al colectivo de mujeres presas. A su vez, se ofrece un análisis sobre las experiencias de violencia de género que han vivido estas mujeres y los factores que entran en juego.

Etika péče je nový a dynamicky se rozvíjející směr morální filosofie. Zatímco tradiční etické systémy zaměřují svou pozornost především na činy a vlastnosti jednotlivců, etika péče vyzdvihuje morální význam vzájemných vztahů osob a skupin. Tato kniha představuje etiku péče jako svébytnou normativní teorii. Virginia Held, jedna z hlavních představitelek tohoto etického směru, v ní objasňuje charakteristické znaky péče a vysvětluje, v čem se etika péče liší od tradičních etických koncepcí, jako jsou kantovská etika, utilitarismus a etika ctností. Held péči vymezuje jako základní morální hodnotu a praxi a uvádí důvody, proč a za jakých okolností by péče měla mít přednost před morálními požadavky spravedlnosti a nestrannosti. Hodnoty péče, důvěry a solidarity zároveň pokládá za vhodný doplněk spravedlnosti či úcty k právům jednotlivce. Kniha se dále věnuje problematice využití etiky péče při řešení sociálních, politických a globálních otázek současnosti – ať už jde o otázky omezení trhu, koncepce školství a zdravotnictví, reformy sociálního státu či globální ekonomické a mocenské nerovnováhy, zde všude má perspektiva péče své přednosti.

This paper engages with the formative concepts of diversity and intersectionality, inquiring how far they are used as tools for achieving (gender) justice that opens up spaces for marginalized constituencies, including racial and religious minorities, colonial subjects, queers, and women and how they unwittingly reify the hegemony of an entitled majority by failing to realize their emancipatory possibilities.

URL: http://webhost1.cortland.edu/wagadu/

In this essay, I attempt to outline a feminist philosophical approach to the debate concerning (allegedly) false memories of childhood sexual abuse. Bringing the voices of feminist philosophers to bear on this issue highlights the implicit and sometimes questionable epistemological, metaphysical, and ethical-political commitments of some therapists and scientists involved in these debates. It also illuminates some current debates in and about feminist philosophy.

Irene Mendoza Martín: “«Habrá baile y concursos de mantones de Manila, pantorrillas y peinado.» Análisis de las verbenas, los certámenes de
belleza y las muchachas modernas en España en los años 30”, EN Rocío González Naranjo (ed.): Modernas, Flappers, Garçonnes. Representaciones de la “nueva mujer”, Dyckinson, pp. 125-150, ISBN: 978-84-1122-291-4

In this chapter, we contribute to the decolonial feminisms that are expanding our understanding of extractive geographies and political ecologies of the subsoil. In this, we take extractivism to denote both the material processes of removal as well as a particular logic (not only of economic accumulation but of being) that renders materials, territories and bodies extractible (and necessarily so). We critically examine the ways in which these extractive logics and processes frequently initiate and condone racialised sexualised violence. In this, we argue that intersectional violence is at the heart of extractivism. Extraction settles within internal ecologies (including ecologies of health and disease) in ways that reaffirm colonial logics of race and sexuality. This broadening of the meaning of extractivism is important in understanding (a) how extraction operates through multiple forms and scales of power and (b) its intersectional and pluriform impacts. Sexual violence, we conclude, is at the centre of racialised extractivism; this is illustrated in corporate language and the more informal logics of residential tourism, both of which are united by colonial logics that would render black life disposable. We conclude with reflections on the value of decolonial feminist dialogue-as-critique that attends to the resonances across and between black women’s experiences of extractivism.

Right-wing hate groups do not cause prejudice in the United States--they exploit it. What we clearly see as objectionable bigotry surfacing in Extreme Right movements, is actually the magnified form of oppressions that swim silently in the familiar yet obscured eddies of "mainstream" society.  Racism, sexism, heterosexism, and antisemitism are the major forms of supremacy that create oppression and defend and expand inequitable power and privilege; but there are others based on class, age, ability, language, ethnicity, immigrant status, size, religion, and more.  These oppressions exist independent of the Extreme Right in U.S. society.