Greek Literature

En este trabajo me propongo mostrar cómo la interacción ideológica
documentada en la época arcaica de Grecia se rigió por una dinámica de tipo com-petitivo que involucró a representantes del saber poético tradicional y a los practicantes de un tipo recién surgido de investigación laica sobre la naturaleza y las
causas de los fenómenos, esto es, a los pensadores presocráticos. Según se muestra
aquí, la búsqueda de la excelencia en todo campo en competencia con los demás
era una tendencia natural del hombre helénico (compárese Homero Il. VI, 208)
que adquirió carácter oficial en los agones (concursos atléticos, literarios, artísticos
y oratorios) y que habría fungido como mecanismo de afirmación personal y profesional también en actividades eminentemente intelectuales como la ciencia y la
filosofía. Ilustraré en particular cómo estos expertos en un nuevo campo de conocimiento —de los cuales me referiré aquí a Jenófanes, Parménides, Empédocles y
Heráclito— se habrían enfrentado mutuamente y con los sabios tradicionales (sobre
todo con poetas como Homero, Hesíodo y Simónides) en una disputa real o virtual
no sólo para persuadir al auditorio sobre la superioridad cualitativa de su modelo
explicativo (la cual lo haría objetivamente preferible a los otros), sino sobre todo
para descalificar la validez de sus adversarios junto con sus proyectos intelectuales.
Se subrayará asimismo cómo dicha polémica involucró no sólo a especialistas en
sentido estricto, sino también a dilettanti a quienes nuestros esquemas mentales
modernos nos llevarían a excluir como interlocutores calificados o pertinentes en
el debate especializado, aun cuando estaban igualmente empeñados en hacer que
las declaraciones doctrinales de sus adversarios aparecieran como erróneas, más
aún como mentiras flagrantes.

A headless herm of Menander is stored in the Museum of Antiquity of Turin. A long Greek inscription of thirteen lines is laying on. The modern history of Menander's herm begins with sixtheenth century humanists who first mentioned it and recalls also the ambitious projects of Carlo Emanuele I, Duke of Savoy, who bought it in the early seventheenth century. A renewed autopsy and a new edition of the text led to reading improvements and innovative conclusions on the artifact's history and its inscribed text.

"This publication presents the first study of the defining features of Psellos' Chronographia, written in the 11th century.
Character is the single most important feature of the Chronographia written by Michael Psellos (1018-1081?). It is an historical account of the events at court from the time of Basil II (986-1025) to Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) with the insight of someone whose career developed within the imperial court and his unsurpassed eye for details of personality was enlightened by his intellectual interests. During his lifetime, Psellos was considered the forefront of philosophical studies in the capital and therefore was named consul of philosophers (ὕπατος τῶν φιλοσόφων) in 1047 and he credited himself with reintroducing Plato on the cultural scene of Constantinople. It was his attractive manner of speech which led him to remain in the emperor’s presence and his rhetorical ability also plays an important role in the Chronographia, especially when he emphasizes or fabricates events to justify his understanding of a person’s mind. Many have employed Psellos’ Chronographia for its value in shedding light on historic events, itself important, though it often neglects the fact that Psellos’ historiography is not based on factual details to explain multiple causes for events, but seeks to attribute blame or merit to the personality of the ruling emperor."

Che posto occupavano gli animali nell’antichità? Come noi oggi, anche i Greci e i Romani avevano a che fare con cani, cavalli, galline; avevano allevamenti, vivari, acquari, e adottavano pratiche zootecniche. Amavano i loro animali da affezione, mentre ne uccidevano altri e li mangiavano (magari dopo averli sacrificati in onore di una divinità). Conoscevano e usavano animali selvatici o feroci, o esotici come elefanti e pappagalli. Non mancavano, nel loro immaginario, creature aliene che si credeva popolassero paesi lontani, come l’India e l’Etiopia, patrie dei manticora, dei cinocefali e dei grifoni. Quello che per noi sono i dinosauri per loro erano i ciclopi, i pegasi, le chimere, gli uomini-toro. Un affresco suggestivo che restituisce per intero l’esotismo di un mondo scomparso.

Moschus' 'Europa' has long been recognised to be a highly visual and pictorial poem. It is also dominated by an erotic theme: the sexual awakening of the maiden Europa and her love affair with Zeus. This article will focus on a connection between erotic theme and highly visual narrative that has received attention in relation to Greek texts from the Roman Empire, but none in relation to Moschus. The sophisticated and self-conscious use of vision and ekphrasis in erotic narrative which has been traced in authors such as Achilles Tatius (in particular by Goldhill) is anticipated, I shall argue, in Moschus' Hellenistic poem.

Der griechische Text von RP 2018 übersetzt und kommentiert, zuvor bis dato nicht gesichtete Quellen zur Datierung angeführt und kommentiert. Update 2021. Research Interests: Greek Literature, New Testament, New Testament Textual Criticism, New Testament Greek Grammar und Griechisch. Zur Neuauflage mussten nach neuen Kollationen einige Stellen bei Robinson-Pierpont korrigiert werden.

Trotz zahlreicher und fundierter Einblicke in die Gattung und den theologischen
Inhalt der Nag-Hammadi-Apokalypse des Paulus (NHC V,2) bleibt die genaue
Valenz des Textes umstritten: Ist der Text valentinianisch, wie oft behauptet, oder
nicht, und was bedeutet die Antwort für unser Verständnis der gnostischen Apokalypsen im Allgemeinen? Dieser Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über das Problem und belegt, dass der Nachweis für eine valentinianische Herkunft des Textes problematisch ist. Vor allem ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass die berühmten valentinianischen Lehrer des 2. Jahrhunderts Bedarf an Pseudonymität gehabt hätten. Ganz im Gegenteil zeigt die Beleglage für die Beziehung zwischen Gruppendefinition und Pseudonymität, dass die bekannten valentinianischen Lehrer ihre Autorität durch ihre kirchlichen Institutionen und hohe Ausbildung begründeten – im Unterschied zu den namenlosen Autoren der pseudonymen Apokalypsen und der sogenannten „sethianischen“ Literatur. Hier erscheint die Möglichkeit, dass die Nag-Hammadi-Apokalypse des Paulus eher ein späterer Text wäre, geschrieben nach der Blüte des Valentinianismus, in einer Zeit, als die valentinianische Theologie eine Art Geheimwissen unabhängig von irgendeiner Schule geworden war.

Complete English translation of the article published originally in Russian (2015).
                              Summary
It is commonly believed that the epic Theogony of Epimenides of Crete derives from the corpus of pseudepigrapha under his name and that it was composed by anonymous author (with Pythagorean background) after 500 B.C. We demonstrate (mainly on the basis the reconstruction of the proem of the Theogony) that such influences do not exist and we arrive at the conclusion that the Theogony was written by Epimenides himself around 600 B.C. Aristotle who was sceptical about the authorship of the poems attributed to Orpheus and Musaeus, cites Epimenides without reservations as the real author of the verses he cites. Therefore the common elements between Epimenides on the one hand, and the Orphics and Pythagoreans on the other (Night as the first principle, the cosmic egg, the immortality and reincarnation of the soul), should be interpreted as borrowings by the latter from Epimenides, not vice versa. As a “priest of Zeus and Rhea” Epimenides belongs to the ancient Cretan hieratic clan that claimed descendance from Aiakos, son of Zeus; in view of the extreme conservatism of Cretan cultural, political and religious traditions, the sources of Epimenides’ divine wisdom should be sought not in the hypothetical “northern” or eastern quarters, but in the local oral traditions that go back the Late Minoan times and are closely tied with the cults and myths of the region around Mount Ida and similar oracular caves. The discussion of Epimendes’ herbal medicine shows that it is connected both with therapeutuc use of herbs and with cathartic rituals; Indian Ayurveda provides a close typological parallel to this, so common Indo-European roots are possible. After this we address the problem of the origin and thesources of the Orphic Theogony and propose a new solution. Taking at its face value Aristotle’s information on Onomacritus as the author of the Orphic epic Theogony, we discuss the “Cretan connections” of Onomacritus and adduce in favour of our hypothesis numerous literary and epigraphical- archeological pieces of evidence that connect early Orphism and the belief in the reincarnation with the Idaen cave and the region around it (Orphic golden plates and epistomia from Eleutherna and Sfakaki near Rethymno collected and studied by Tzifopoulos). Inter alia, we also propose a new interpretation of the Orphic graffiti written on bone plates from Olbia as divinatory devices (mantic cards, the oldest known ancestor of the cards Tarot) that probably belonged to the “diviner of Hermes” Pharnabazos of Olbia and were connected with the dice divination (astragalomanteia), the proper art of Hermes. The divinatory dodecahedron found in the Idaean cave seems to be connected with astragalomanteia, as well.

La tesi tratta di un'opera particolare, Il Prometeo Incatenato, a lungo attribuita ad Eschilo e vuole dimostrarne la non autenticità. Per come è costruita strutturalmente quest'opera rappresenta, pur sulla base di un nucleo eschileo, lo stadio appena precedente alla disgregazione operata nel corso del IV e III secolo. Le sue lunghe scene discorsive (l’intero secondo episodio è costituito da una lunga rhesis di Prometeo) sembrano configurarsi come un momento che preluda a quella che sarà la disgregazione della tragedia nelle selezioni di brani avulsi dal loro contesto tragico. Le scene del Prometeo sembrano distaccate l’una dall’altra con l’unica particolarità che tutti i personaggi, tranne forse Io, che con il protagonista ha altro tipo di collegamenti, vengono a trovare uno solo, Prometeo. Sebbene le due scene in cui appaiono le Oceanine e Oceano sembrino ancora lievemente collegate, non dal fatto che si tratta di padre e figlie quanto dal fatto che l’una funge da contraltare per l’altra e tutte e due si spiegano vicendevolmente, tutte le altre scene, però, possono tranquillamente essere distaccate fra loro e, più di una volta negli studi moderni, si parla per Io di una “tragedia nella tragedia”. La presenza di ritmi e metri in luoghi non canonici (il prologo dialogico, l’uso particolare della sticomitia, la parodo epirrematica) segnala una prima fase di disgregazione delle forme drammatiche; a ciò si accompagnano tutte le innovazioni tecniche come l’entrata iniziale di quattro personaggi, il particolare ingresso del Coro che è immaginato volare, l’uso della macchina del volo per Oceano, il cataclisma finale ad effetto che ricercano senza dubbio il modo di spostare e sorprendere l’occhio dello spettatore, cioè, in altre parole, ricercano un “realismo visivo” che mostri quanto immaginato nel testo non nella semplice forma di “spettacolo” teatrale ma nel modo più concreto possibile, servendosi dunque di tutta la “tecnologia” disponibile. Anche a livello contenutistico, seppure non possiamo dire con certezza quanto il Prometeo si discosti dal pensiero eschileo, poiché si tratta di una valutazione oltremodo soggettiva, vi sono dei punti, come i passaggi geografici e l’ultimo, forzato, accenno di lealtà delle Oceanine per Prometeo che, se non sicuramente interpolati, sono stati certamente rimaneggiati secondo la cultura e il gusto di un pubblico tardo. La staticità dell’opera come tale e il fatto che sia costituita in massima parte da rheseis, (profezie e racconti di come Prometeo abbia aiutato e insegnato le arti agli uomini oppure dei viaggi di Io), la riduzione delle parti corali, anche se non sono ancora avulse dal contesto tragico, e la struttura rigida delle partiture del Coro che, oltre agli stasimi, si esprime in maniera sistematica solo in quartine, rendono questa tragedia adatta sia alla perfomance sia alla semplice lettura e la avvicinano a quel mondo e a quel contesto in cui questo tipo di letteratura si stava appena affermando. Il Prometeo viene qui inteso come una sorta di prototipo, un ibrido in cui il processo di disgregazione delle convenzioni classiche non si è ancora compiuto ma che si è appena avviato ad esserlo; e quello che era stato il Prometeo di Eschilo, ormai trasfigurato, si avviava forse a diventare la tragedia di apertura dei grandi agoni tragici del IV secolo, tra le tragedie con cui nessun autore vivente avrebbe potuto competere.

Though Odysseus’ tales to Eumaios and Aninoos in Odyssey 14.199–359 and 17.417–44, respectively, are presented as fictional tales within Homer’s larger myth, some elements have striking analogs in Late Bronze–Early Iron Age reality.

This article examines these portions of the hero’s false ainoi within their fictive context for the purpose of identifying and evaluating those elements. Particular focus is given to Odysseus’ declaration that he led nine successful maritime raids prior to the Trojan War; to his twice–described ill–fated assault on Egypt; and to his claim not only to have been spared in the wake of that Egyptian raid, but to have spent a subsequent seven years in the land of the pharaohs, during which he gathered great wealth.

Through a comparative examination of literary and archaeological evidence from the Late Bronze–Early Iron transition in the Eastern Mediterranean, it is shown that these aspects of Odysseus’ stories are not only reflective of the historical reality surrounding the time in which the epic is set, but that Odysseus’ fictive experience is remarkably similar to that of one specific member of the ‘Sea Peoples’ groups best known from 19th and 20th dynasty Egyptian records: the ‘Sherden of the Sea.’

De Tirteu, poeta espartano arcaico do século VII a.C., restaram-nos apenas poemas elegíacos fragmentários. Seus fragmentos dividem-se entre aqueles que narravam a história e os preceitos espartanos, instituídos por reis descendentes dos deuses, e aqueles que exortavam a uma moralidade guerreira que privilegiava a morte heroica em combate e condenava a fuga. Este trabalho consiste na tradução integral e no comentário desses fragmentos remanescentes, analisando a constituição do gênero elegíaco e seus contextos de performance no período arcaico grego (séculos VII-V a.C), bem como a relação entre a poesia de Tirteu e a tradição épica grega.

Late antique classicizing rhetoric, after a long period of neglect, is now the object of an increasing number of studies. In order to underline this revaluation, scholars have started to talk about the ‘Third Sophistic’. This paper demonstrates that the use of this term is highly problematic: scholars  disagree not only on the precise meaning of the term (when does it start or end? Does it comprise only ‘pagan’ or also Christian literature? etc.), but also on the relationship between this so-called ‘Third Sophistic’ and the Second Sophistic. Thus according to many scholars, late Antiquity was a time when sophists lost their social influence and position to bishops, lawyers, and military strongmen. In reality, however, the perceived differences between the literature of the early and that of the later Empire originate not so much in the texts of both periods, but rather in the different scholarly methodologies used to study each of them. Rather than adopting the term ‘Third Sophistic’, this paper therefore argues that the dynamic models of literary interpretation that are now standard in studies of the Second Sophistic can be fruitfully applied to late antique rhetoric as well. Studied from this perspective, classicizing late antique rhetoric, far from having fossilized, turns out to have transformed itself creatively in order to continue to play an important role within a society in transformation.

For a long time, it has been assumed that the place names for the regions east of the Ganges in Claudius Ptolemy's geographical guide refer to loci in countries such as Malaysia, Vietnam and China. The careful analysis of a few detailed map representations according to Ptolemy's text, however, leads to different and also surprising conclusions. In these geographical maps that were made at the end of the Middle Ages, at the beginning of the age of discovery, we could recognise the oldest charts of the territory of today's state of Myanmar, former Burma. Changes and continuity regarding the settlement history and landscape become particularly plain through the depictions.

This article examines the performance context of Synesius of Cyrene’s
(ca. 370–415 CE) On Kingship. Synesius draws heavily on the classical tradition, and also incorporates many elements of Themistius’ philosophical style into his speech. But the work was not delivered before the emperor, as it purports, and hints at the fictionality of its own dramatic situation. These hints are not mere play but fit very closely the rhetorical needs of the circumstances. The performance appears to have been a success.

https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/716031

Babylonian hermeneutics has been the subject of several studies in recent years that have showed that speculative thought exploited the potentiality of the cuneiform system through analogical reasoning in order to find and create new meanings according to phonetic, semantic and graphic similarities. Analogical hermeneutics was prompted by the polysemic and homophonic nature of cuneiform writing and was intended as an inquiry into the cuneiform system itself. Analogical reasoning is also well known in ancient Greece particularly in Heraclitus producing semantic proliferation and ambiguity. A comparison between Mesopotamian and Greek sources shows that Heraclitus’ fragments share with cuneiform scholarship a similar epistemic reasoning based on analogy. The present contribution aims at setting the Babylonian epistemological system in light of Heraclitus' philosophy.

This article argues that the reception of Homeric poetry in the lyric poets of the Archaic period is a process of evolution, in which evidentiary difficulty and the gradual development of intertextuality combine to make Stesichorus the first truly intertextual poet in the Greek tradition. Earlier interactions are, as far as we can tell, very limited, confined to mentions of basic plot or famous episodes, whilst even his exiguous fragments allow us to see Stesichorus engaging in a sustained and recreative manner with the entire Iliad and Odyssey. This is an uncorrected proof.

Free e-book, available at:
by ISBN search: 9781456637354 (distributed by my publisher):
    • Google Play Books (PDF).
    • Google Books (PDF).
without an ISBN (distributed by the author):
    • In this page.

  Ο Διόνυσος, υιός του θεού Δία και της θνητής Σεμέλης —θεός κι ο ίδιος απ' τη σύλληψη και τη γέννησή του— καταφθάνει στην πόλη των Θηβών απ' την Ασία, συνοδευόμενος από τις «Βάκχες», τις ακολούθους του. Αυτές, ενδεδυμένες με δέρματα ελαφιών («νεβρίδες») και κρατώντας στα χέρια τους θύρσο (κοντάρι τυλιγμένο με κισσό, σύμβολο και φορέα της θεϊκής δύναμης του Διονύσου), βιώνουν την έκσταση που τους προκαλεί η μέθεξη στα ιερά μυστήρια του θεού, ενόσω βρίσκονται σε κατάσταση ένθεης μανίας —έχοντας απελευθερώσει τον νου τους απ' τα δεσμά και τους κανόνες των εγκοσμίων, και έχοντας συνενωθεί σ' ένα σώμα και σε μια ψυχή, η οποία πάλλεται στον ρυθμό των τυμπάνων και δονείται απ' το γλυκό κελάηδημα των φρυγικών αυλών. Σκοπός του θεού είναι να μυήσει τη Θήβα, πόλη της καταγωγής του, πρώτη ανάμεσα σ' όλη την Ελλάδα στη νέα αυτή ελευθεριάζουσα λατρεία.

  Με το τελευταίο του έργο, τις «Βάκχες», ο Ευριπίδης εισάγει «καινά δαιμόνια» στη γνωσιολογία της αττικής Τραγωδίας αλλά και στη δομή της θεατρικής της πράξης, προσπαθώντας ταυτοχρόνως να τα εισαγάγει και στον τρόπο αντίληψης και σκέψης των θεατών· περισσότερο, ίσως, για να τους προειδοποιήσει, παρά για να τους μεταρρυθμίσει γνωσιολογικώς. Οι «Βάκχες» αποτελούν ίσως περισσότερο μια πολιτισμική κραυγή αγωνίας και μια ποιητική διαμαρτυρία απέναντι στο διαφαινόμενο τέλος της ίδιας της αττικής Τραγωδίας, της αθηναϊκής δημοκρατίας και του κλασικού ελληνισμού, και λιγότερο ένα αμιγώς διδακτικό περιεχόμενο με σκοπό τη νοητική αυτοβελτίωση εκάστου εκ των θεατών. Ο Ευριπίδης νεωτερίζει, ανασκευάζοντας τους μηχανισμούς προσληψιμότητας (και, εν μέρει, και αισθητικής) της αρχαίας αττικής Τραγωδίας· την «καταργεί» ως διακριτό είδος ποιητικής και θεατρικής δημιουργίας και την «ενταφιάζει» (ίσως προσδοκώντας μια πιθανή επαναγέννεσή της στο μέλλον, με τρόπο παρόμοιο με τη διπλή γένεση του Διονύσου, του δημιουργού του θεάτρου), λίγο μόλις καιρό πριν κι ο ίδιος πεθάνει με τρόπο παρόμοιο με αυτόν του πρωταγωνιστή του δράματος.

  Tο βιβλίο περιλαμβάνει το αρχικό (μερικώς ανακατασκευασμένο) αρχαίο κείμενο των "Βακχών", σε έμμετρη μετάφραση στα νέα ελληνικά. Η μετάφραση συνοδεύεται από τον σχολιασμό ενός επιλεγμένου αριθμού στίχων και από έναν εκτενή Πρόλογο —στον οποίο αναλύονται οι «Βάκχες» και το περιεχόμενό τους, συμπεριλαμβανομένης μιας σύνθετης ερμηνευτικής θέωρησης της τραγωδίας.

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  The god Dionysus —son of Zeus and of the mortal woman Semele— arrives in the city of Thebes from Asia, impersonating a mortal and accompanied by the "Bacchae", his female followers. The latter, clad in deer skins and holding in their hands the "thyrsus" (a wooden staff wrapped in ivy, the symbol and the carrier of the divine power of Dionysus), experience the ecstasy by participating in the sacred mysteries of the god Dionysus, while being at the same time in a state of divine madness —after having freed their mind from the worldly bonds and rules, united in one body and one soul; their body pulsating in the rhythm of the drums, and vibrating to the sweet warbling of the Phrygian flutes. The purpose of Dionysus is to initiate Thebes, his natal city, first among all of Greece, in his new liberating cult.

  In his last work, the "Bacchae", Euripides introduces novelties in the epistemology of the Attic Tragedy as well as in the structure of its theatrical representation; at the same time, he tries to introduce these novelties in the way of perception and thinking of the spectators (perhaps, more in an effort to warn them, rather than to reform their mindset). The "Bacchae" can be considered more as a cultural cry of agony as well as a poetic protest against the looming end of the Attic Tragedy itself, the end of the Athenian democracy and the end of the classical Hellenism, and less as a purely didactic content which aims at the intellectual self-improvement of the spectators. Euripides brutally modernizes and reconstructs the mechanisms of the theatrical receptivity (and, in part, of the aesthetics) of the ancient Attic Tragedy; he "abolishes" it as a distinct kind of poetic and theatrical creation, and "buries" it (perhaps anticipating its possible rebirth in the future, in a manner similar to the double birth of Dionysus, the creator of the theater), shortly before he himself dies, in a manner similar to that of the protagonist of the drama.

  This book includes the original (partially reconstructed) ancient text of the "Bacchae", translated side-by-side in modern greek, in verse. The translation is accompanied by commentary on a selected number of verses, and by an extensive Prologue (both in modern greek) —in which the "Bacchae" and its contents are analyzed, including a composite interpretive view of the tragedy.

This article will examine the occurrence of the " Vanity Theme " in Mesopotamian wisdom literature and elsewhere. However, the main interest of this investigation lies in the list of rulers or illustrious men of old which is manifest in a variety of wisdom " Vanity Theme " compositions. We will argue that it will not suffice to speak about the " Vanity Theme " in various literatures of the ancient Near East and the Mediterranean. We should try to identify a particular literary expression that is associated with this type of composition. We contend that this expression is the list or naming of " Early Rulers " that comes to serve as an exemplum to the basic assertion of the " Vanity Theme. "

Les neiges d'antan: " Gobernantes antiguos " y el tema de la vanidad en la literatura sapiencial de Mesopotamia y más allá Este artículo examinará la aparición del " tema de la vanidad " en la literatura sapien-cial de Mesopotamia y más allá. Sin embargo, el interés principal de esta investiga-ción radica en la lista de gobernantes u hombres ilustres de antaño que se manifiesta en una variedad de composiciones sapienciales con el " tema de la vanidad ". Argüiremos que no es suficiente con hablar sobre el " tema de la vanidad " en las diversas literaturas del antiguo Cercano Oriente y el Mediterráneo. Deberíamos tratar de identificar una expresión literaria particular que esté asociada con este tipo de composición. Sostenemos que esta expresión es la lista o denominación de los

The article explores one of the poems included in the so-called 'New Palladas' collection (P.CtYBR 4000, pag. 18, rr. 1-9). My aim is to cast new light on the epigrammatist's subtle reworking of his model, namely Sapph. fr. 31 Voigt. I conclude with a few remarks on the contents and typology of the new poem as well as on its tentative attribution to Palladas of Alexandria.

A short analysis of new Sappho's poem and of the questions about its problems of contextualizing. In my work I try to specify if the Brothers Poem could be linked to VIIth centry's symposium. Larichos as possible addressee and other evidences of the question.

Resumo: O presente artigo busca discutir a ficção para além do ψεῦδος (pseûdos) no mundo grego. Para tanto, examino o estatuto da ficção e do ficcional a partir de moedas falsas. Na relação do homem grego com sua moeda, falsa ou verdadeira, deparamo-nos com situações em que moedas falsas são autorizadas a integrar a circulação, tornando-se, consequentemente, equivalentes às verdadeiras; há também moedas falsificadas capazes de pôr em xeque as verdadeiras; e ainda as falsas que podem se tornar mais verdadeiras do que as reais. É preciso notar que o contraste vocabular entre ψεῦδος e ἀλήθεια (alétheia) não permite perceber a fluidez da fronteira entre uma ideia e outra. Donde, talvez, a contribuição de observar como essa mesma fronteira se comporta nas práticas do mundo grego pouco familiares às noções de ψεῦδος e ἀλήθεια (como no caso das moedas), mas que, inevitavelmente, participam de sua elaboração e sofisticação. Tais práticas ajudam, assim, a explicar o pacto de ficcionalidade no teatro clássico.
Palavras-chave: falsificação; moedas falsas; moedas verdadeiras; ficção; teatro.

LA CONTREFAÇON ET LE THÉÂTRE GREC: DEUX FACES D'UNE MÊME PIÈCE
Résumé: Dans cette réflexion, je voudrais discuter la fiction au-delà du ψεῦδος (pseûdos) dans le monde grec. J'examine, pour ce faire, le statut de la fiction ou du fictionnel, en particulier dans les fausses pièces. Dans la relation de l'homme grec avec sa monnaie, tant réelle que fausse, on est confronté à des situations où il y a des pièces fausses qui sont autorisées à intégrer la circulation et, par conséquent, sont équivalentes aux vraies; ainsi que pièces contrefaites qui sont capables de mettre en échec la vraie monnaie; et encore des contrefaites qui peuvent devenir plus réelles que les réelles. Il faut noter que le contraste entre ψεῦδος e ἀλήθεια (alétheia) ne permet pas de percevoir la fluidité de la frontière entre une idée et l’autre. D’où, peut-être, la raison d’observer comment cette même frontière se comporte dans les pratiques du monde grec, en principe pratiques peu habituées aux notions de ψεῦδος e ἀλήθεια (comme dans le cas de la monnaie), mais qui, inévitablement, ont participé à leur élaboration et à leur sophistication. Et qui aident (ces pratiques) à expliquer le pacte de fiction au théâtre classique.
Mots-clés: contrefaçon; fausses pièces; varies pièces; fiction; théâtre.

Από τη στιγµή που ένας ηθοποιός µπει στο πλαίσιο µιας σκηνικής επιτέλεσης αποκτά αυτόµατα και τις ιδιότητες του φαντάσµατος. Και όπως όλα τα φαντάσµατα, έτσι κι αυτός έχει την πολυτέλεια να είναι παντού και πουθενά, να είναι τα πάντα και το τίποτα, να αλλάζει κατά το δοκούν χρώµατα, πόζες, φύλα. Τώρα το βλέπουµε τώρα όχι. Ή περίπου. Τίποτα δεν µπορεί να του αντισταθεί, τουλάχιστο µέχρις ότου κλείσουν τα φώτα και τραβήξει για το σπίτι του, αφήνοντας την εικόνα του φαντάσµατός του να περάσει στην αποθήκη της µνήµης του θεατή, για να ξαναζωντανέψει από την αρχή, µόλις ανάψουν πάλι. Πάντοτε. Στους αιώνες των αιώνων. Γιατί αυτό είναι το θέατρο: ένα στέγαστρο φαντασµάτων.