History of Revolutions

LEGISLATIVE RESOLUTION honoring Colonel Thomas J. Kelly posthumously upon the occasion of his designation as recipient of a Liberty Medal, the highest honor bestowed upon an individual by the New York State Senate.

WHEREAS, It is incumbent upon the people of the State of New York to recognize and acknowledge those within our midst who have made significant contributions to the quality of life therein; and
WHEREAS, Members of the Armed Services from the State of New York, who have served so valiantly and honorably in wars in which this country's freedom was at stake, as well as in the preservation of peace in peacetime, deserve a special salute from this Legislative Body; and
WHEREAS, This Legislative Body is justly proud to honor Colonel Thomas J. Kelly posthumously upon the occasion of his designation as recipient of a Liberty Medal, the highest honor bestowed upon an individual by the New York State Senate; and
WHEREAS, The New York State Senate Liberty Medal was established by resolution and is awarded to individuals who have merited special commendation for exceptional, heroic, or humanitarian acts on behalf of their fellow New Yorkers.

This article was published in 2009 as the result of my student activities and research. It focuses on the Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin´s participation at the Slavic assembly in Prague in 1848. Bakunin influenced its developement and results. Similarly, his stay in Prague brought him a lot of experience, which influenced the future development of his intelectual thought. Bakunin participated on the assembly as delegate of polish-ruthenian department. He mainly commented on formal questions, but also concetrated on background activities and tried to turn other delegates (e.g. Ľudovít Štúr) for his revolutionary thoughts. He, however, failed. He tried to disprove the illusions about russian tzar Mikuláš I. and was in fierce oppostion to austroslavism. He came out with the idea of democratic slavic federation, but he failed again in enforcing this. After the assembly, he participated in unsuccessful June uprising and had to flee to Dresden. He then tried to organize uprising in Prague from Dresden, but was exposed, arrested and in 1851 extradited to russian authorities.

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

This dissertation examines the intimate connection between the State-building process and the temperance movement and asserts that neither project was merely imposed from the top down, but rather, involved input from a variety of actors.  As presidents worked to rebuild the federal government during the Mexican Revolution of 1910 to 1940, they also strove to rid the country of alcoholism.  In particular, utilizing prejudiced notions of class, ethnicity, and gender, they targeted working-class and indigenous men, who they tried to transform into pacifistic patriarchs, efficient workers, and sober, responsible citizens.  However, the case study of Sonora demonstrates that this federal project did not go uncontested.  Presidents relied on governors and legislators to mandate temperance, mayors to enforce these laws, and citizens to follow them, but these people did not always willingly comply and thus policies often had to be modified.  In other instances, ordinary people supported the anti-alcohol campaign, creating unofficial temperance leagues, petitioning the president to close more cantinas, or demanding that corrupt authorities obey alcohol legislation.  Governors’, mayors’, and especially citizens’ contributions to the anti-alcohol campaign and the State-building process may not have been equal to those of federal leaders, but both projects certainly benefited from the input of a diverse cross-section of society. 

This present research adds to and combines three historiographical fields on the history of alcohol, State-building, and the social and cultural components of revolutions.  It is the first, full-length study of the anti-alcohol campaign during the Mexican Revolution and the only work about Mexico as of yet to examine temperance from the national, state, municipal, and popular perspective.  This work also corroborates the argument of recent political scholars, demonstrating that the process of State formation was shaped by input from individuals on a variety of planes.  Finally, this dissertation shows that the government’s cultural policies, which included promoting high art, distributing propaganda, and carrying out campaigns such as the temperance movement, should not be seen as trivial.  Rather, attempts to form a new, modern citizenry through these projects were a vital part of the State-building process and of social revolution in general.

examines the global entanglement of the Mexican labor movement during the Mexican Revolution. It describes how global influences made their entry into labor culture through the cinema, theater, and labor festivals as well as into the development of consumption patterns and advertisement. It further shows how the young labor movement constituted its discourse and invented its tradition at meetings and in the columns of newspapers. The local conditions constitute the framework for the examination of Mexican labor's perspectives on and engagement with contemporary events of global significance. Thereby, this book demonstrates how workers turned to the global context in search of guidance and role models, embracing global developments and narratives. It also reveals the differentiations from this context in order to create a unique local identity. This approach allows new perspectives on the role of a neglected revolutionary actor and on the influence of global developments in a revolution that has been predominantly interpreted from a national point of view. It shows the way global ideas were brought to life in the framework of revolutionary Mexico City-providing new insights into the grand-narratives of Globalization and Revolution.

Radical Moderns of 1930s American poetry have different aesthetic strategies to communicate and to move masses. There are different aesthetics not only among poets but also at different periods in a poet's life. Rexroth's poetry, for example, can be roughly divided into two periods: avant-garde beginning with cubist techniques and the change into lyrical poetry with clear, plainspoken, and direct language. This paper only deals with the lyric poems of Kenneth Rexroth. The drastic transition in Rexroth's aesthetics is a result of historical pressures rather than being a personal choice. With the loss of the Spanish Civil War, despair took the place of hope. Though both Hughes' and Rexroth's poetry has a simple and colloquial language, their intentions differ. Hughes' goal is to make something happen, to fuel hope, and to literally move the masses towards victory. Rexroth's goal, on the other hand, stems from the despair of the political tragedies that are taking place. Because of the intense sense of urgency, time is not convenient to experiment with aesthetic styles. His tone is clear and as loud and understandable as possible. In this paper, I will compare the aesthetic strategies of Hughes and Rexroth to suggest that while making naked invocations of hope in an age of despair makes poetry temporary, poems that commemorate losses or dream of alternative realities are perpetual.

Torino, 2-3 settembre 2021 - Polo del '900, via Del Carmine 14
XV CONVEGNO INTERNAZIONALE DI STUDI STORICI DI
"SPAGNA CONTEMPORANEA"
1820-1830: RIVOLUZIONE, REAZIONE, LIBERALISMO
Convegno in omaggio a Alberto Gil Novales e Jean-René AymesLa vicinanza del Bicentenario delle rivoluzioni liberali in Grecia, Polonia, Portogallo, Spagna e Italia tra il 1820 e il 1830 e dell’estensione della crisi all’Atlantico e al Mediterraneo è utile per un primo bilancio sulle ricerche in corso e sulle prospettive storiografiche.
Si trattò di una crisi globale, che svolse un ruolo di primo piano nelle origini del mondo contemporaneo, intrecciando guerra e rivoluzione, progetti costituzionali e rinnovamenti delle monarchie, o viceversa rilancio del loro assetto materiale e ideologico tradizionale. Essa mobilitò eserciti e comunità politiche, favorendo la circolazione di uomini e generando una imponente messe di testimonianze e memorie.
La proposta di convegno prende le mosse dal corpo di studi internazionali che negli anni recenti, focalizzandosi sull’epoca post-napoleonica, si è misurato sui contenuti e i modi della politicizzazione e del conflitto civile; così come sull’istituto monarchico e sulle ideologie, le correnti e le pratiche controrivoluzionarie in Europa e in America; come, infine, sui caratteri transnazionali della Restaurazione, la nascita dei diversi patriottismi nazionali e le differenti e tipiche declinazioni del liberalismo.All’interno di questo mondo, il conflitto tra la Rivoluzione e la Restaurazione ha prodotto soluzioni politiche, statali, nazionali e costituzionali differenti: e in tal senso lo studio della crisi del decennio 1820-1830 offre ancora oggi la possibilità di formulare innovative prospettive interpretative sui modi della transizione che portò dalla guerra globale del 1792-1815 alla creazione delle comunità politiche ed istituzionali caratteristiche del mondo contemporaneo.
Le nuove domande della storiografia politica, istituzionale e culturale aprono uno spazio proficuo ai fini dell’innovazione della ricerca su questo periodo. Discuterle è l’obiettivo principale di questo convegno.
All’iniziativa hanno aderito oltre quaranta studiosi, provenienti da dieci Paesi (Francia, Germania, Grecia, Messico, Polonia, Portogallo, Regno Unito, Spagna, Stati Uniti, Italia), che da diversi punti di vista e con diversi approcci metodologici affronteranno i vari temi enunciati nel titolo.

4 febbraio 2022 - 15.30-15.50 SESSIONE : LA DIPLOMAZIA: SPERANZE, ILLUSIONI E AMBIZIONI : ROSA MARIA DELLI QUADRI: "ALLE ORIGINI DELLA MOBILITAZIONE INGLESE PER LA GRECIA: LA CESSIONE DI PARGA"

This book examines John Calvin’s sense of vocation.

1) It begins with an analysis of thinking on prophecy in early, medieval, and Reformation theology.

2) It finds Calvin within a non-mystical, non-apocalyptic prophetic tradition that focused on scriptural interpretation.

3) It argues Calvin believed his prophetic authority was the same as Isaiah and Jeremiah, and suggests that he may have held himself to be infallible in matters related to Christian doctrine.

4) It argues that starting from about 1555, Calvin began to conceive the idea of encouraging one of the French 'lesser magistrates' (the princes of the blood royal) to rise up in armed conflict against the sitting French king with the aim of taking the throne.

5) Thus, it argues that when that did happen in 1562 when Louis of Condé gathered troops in Orléans and declared their intentions to liberate King Charles IX from the evil councillors surrounding him, this had Calvin's fingerprints on it -- Calvin was to a significant degree responsible for this turn of events.

6) Calvin pursued this plan, I argue, as one of a number of approaches to winning France for the gospel. In this way, the volume explores Calvin's sense of vocation and the impact this had on his political thought.

Ce livre n’a pas de précédent : avant sa publication conjointe en ukrainien et en français, aucun ouvrage ne retraçait de manière synthétique l’histoire de l’art ukrainien depuis le tournant des 19e-20e siècles jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Sa réalisation est l’aboutissement d’un projet commun engagé depuis deux ans par les Editions ArtHuss de Kiev et les Nouvelles éditions Place.
Souvent sous les feux de l’actualité́ au regard des enjeux géopolitiques qu’elle représente, l’Ukraine reste une grande inconnue. Une révolution permanente. L’art ukrainien contemporain et ses racines propose une immersion dans l’art contemporain ukrainien, l’un des plus vivants du continent européen, malgré́, ou peut-être grâce à la situation tendue dans laquelle se trouve le pays.
Alisa Lozhkina, commissaire d’exposition reconnue internationalement, inscrit cet art dans un parcours qui prend son origine à la fin du 19e siècle, passe par l’avant-garde, le réalisme socialiste et les courants qui s’épanouissent après la fin de l’URSS.
En Ukraine, art et société́ sont à ce point entremêles que cet ouvrage se lit également comme une histoire politique et sociale – de la révolution bolchevique à la révolution orange (2004) et à celle de Maïdan (2014), qui ont été́ retransmises sur tous les écrans du monde.
L’engagement social et l’exigence d’un regard sans concession – souvent photographique – sur la réalité présente comme sur le passé de l’Ukraine caractérise les œuvres de ces artistes et fait sans doute leur principale force. L’artiste devient immanquablement historien, qui intervient pour sauvegarder les œuvres du passé, qui dirige parfois lui- même un musée, et ce, tout en se situant au cœur des événements politiques, qu’il ne s’attache pas seulement à comprendre ou à illustrer, mais aussi à provoquer.
Le texte est richement illustré, avec une matière documentaire inédite. Les reproductions des œuvres contemporaines proviennent pour la plupart des collections des artistes eux- mêmes.

Alisa Lozhkina
Historienne d’art et commissaire d’exposition, elle vit à Kiev. De 2013 à 2016, elle est directrice adjointe du Mystetskyi Arsenal, le plus grand musée d’art contemporain d’Ukraine. De 2010 à 2016, elle est rédactrice en chef de Art Ukraine. En 2014, elle co- organise l’exposition « Je suis une goutte d’eau dans l’océan. L’art de la révolution ukrainienne » à la Künstlerhaus de Vienne et au MOCAK de Cracovie. En 2018, elle est commissaire en chef d’« Une révolution permanente. L’art ukrainien aujourd’hui » au Ludwig Museum de Budapest, exposition pour laquelle elle est nominée au Global Fine Art Awards de New York.

Igor Sokologorsky
Docteur en philosophie, responsable de l’aire géographique « Modernités russes » du Labex Comod (université de Lyon), il dirige la collection « L’art à l’écrit » aux Nouvelles éditions Place. Il a été attaché culturel à l’ambassade de France à Moscou (2010-2014). Il est le traducteur d’« Une révolution permanente. L’art contemporain ukrainien et ses racines ».

Cyrille Zola-Place
Editeur et écrivain sous d’autres noms, il dirige les Nouvelles éditions Place.

Lundi 3 février, à partir de 18h30
En présence de l’auteure, Igor Sokologorsky et Cyrille Zola-Place Bibliothèque Kandinsky – Centre Pompidou, niveau 3
La conférence se tiendra en Anglais.


https://www.centrepompidou.fr/ http://bibliothequekandinsky.centrepompidou.fr/ https://carnetbk.hypotheses.org/
https://www.nouvelleseditionsplace.com/

The article discusses several problems about system of state and French Revolution  especially between 1789-1794. As the French Revolution is known as a period in the history of France, when it came to overthrow the Bourbon monarchy. With its symbolic start getting considered by the people of Paris Bastille fortress July 14, 1789, while the end of the revolution, it is considered an end to the rule of the Directorate on 9 November (18 Brumaire) 1799, when Napoleon Bonaparte led a coup by announcing the First Consul. Events in France, mainly from the years 1789-1794 had a huge impact on the shape of the model state institutions and state administration. During this period, among others, formed the beginnings of modern local government in France. The ideas of the French Revolution had an impact on nations across Europe leading eventually to the collapse of absolute monarchy and initiated the development of democratic societies in Europe. The French Revolution is a new period in the history of European countries which marks the beginning of the modern age and a new model of the political system.

Ρομαντικοί ιδεολόγοι ή επαγγελματίες της επανάστασης; Οι «Μαχητές της Ελευθερίας», οι Φιλέλληνες που ήρθαν στην επαναστατημένη Ελλάδα το 1821 να πολεμήσουν για την ελληνική Ανεξαρτησία, εξετάζονται εδώ ως μια δυναμική, διεθνική ομάδα που διατρέχει τα πολλαπλά επαναστατικά μέτωπα της μεταναπολεόντειας περιόδου. Σε μια εποχή όπου ο κοσμοπολιτισμός συμπορεύεται με τον εθνικισμό, και ο τελευταίος νοείται ως επαναστατική ιδεολογία, οι ξένοι εθελοντές της «Φιλελεύθερης Διεθνούς» συνδέουν τις επαναστάσεις της ταραγμένης δεκαετίας του 1820 από τη λεκάνη της Μεσογείου ως τη Λατινική Αμερική.
Μεταφέρουν τις νεωτερικές ιδέες του φιλελευθερισμού και της εθνικής ανεξαρτησίας, επιδιώκουν μια ένδοξη σταδιοδρομία στο πεδίο της μάχης και μένουν πιστοί στην προσωπική τους αντίληψη περί στρατιωτικής τιμής και κώδικα του πολέμου. Υπερασπίζονται τον πολιτισμό κατά της βαρβαρότητας, μόνο που συχνά στο δεύτερο στρατόπεδο συγκαταλέγουν και τους νεώτερους Έλληνες.
Μια ανατρεπτική μελέτη για τους Φιλέλληνες που εξετάζει πώς η Ελληνική Επανάσταση μπορεί να ενταχθεί στο «επαναστατικό κύμα» του ριζοσπαστικού φιλελευθερισμού και την προβληματική ενσωμάτωση των Ελλήνων στην αναδυόμενη ιδεολογία της νεωτερικής ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας.

Jumlah halaman dari makalah ini hampir berjumlah 40 lebih dan menjadikannya sbagai makalah dengan halaman terbanyak. dan dalam makalah ini dikaji detail bagaimana revolusi Industri terjadi, pengaruh dan juga tokoh tokoh yang terlibat di dalamnya serta ditambah beberapa gambar yang kita berfikir "inikah yang  namanya revolusi?"

The 20th century revolutionary process had a big impact on the World System and significantly changed its entire configuration. However, there are essential gaps in terms of theoretical approaches, in particular, in terms of the typology of revolutions. Moreover, there is clearly insufficient research related to qualitative and quantitative analysis and consideration of the revolutions of the 20th century in their entirety. This article aims to fill those gaps by pursuing three main goals: (1) comparison of revolutions of the 20th and 19th centuries, highlighting the important characteristics of the former; (2) classification of revolutions of the 20th century; (3) identification of the main revolutionary waves of the 20th century and their essential characteristics.

The aim of this article is to analyse a short period in the life of Karl Marx when he was a student at the Law Faculty at the University of Bonn, and then at the Law Faculty at the University of Berlin. During the period of these, ultimately uncompleted, legal studies, his attention was absorbed by the notions of "state" and "law", the analysis of which in his later work - as a philosopher, economist and revolutionary activist - was an important element of his academic delibarations. This article therefore analyses issues related to Karl Marx's first steps as a young student of law. The author  presents selected threads of Karl Marx's statements, mainly those concerning the political and legal system, which  appeared in his publications, both during the period in question and later.

Durante un periodo più o meno lungo di relativa stabilità, il sistema riesce a neutralizzare le perturbazioni, ma ad un certo punto elementi pregressi provocano una crisi di instabilità durante la quale i vari elementi del sistema sono sottoposti a tensione, come un gas surriscaldato in cui aumenti progressivamente il movimento delle molecole. La rottura, o biforcazione catastrofica, è preceduta da uno stato caotico in cui ogni minima fluttuazione può essere estremamente amplificata da fenomeni di feedback positivo. Il futuro del sistema diventa imprevedibile se non si conosce la storia delle condizioni al contorno che hanno provocato lo stato attuale (René Thom, determinista; gli indeterministi sostengono invece che il sistema diventa imprevedibile e basta). In tale stato, una fluttuazione più ampia o una sincronia di condizioni catapultano il sistema ad uno stadio superiore il quale procede in un nuovo stato stabile.

Un sistema come quello capitalistico può rimanere stabile, cioè in equilibrio omeostatico, mediante l'autoregolazione dei propri flussi di energia (retroazione negativa, come nel termostato: keynesismo, patto sociale) per un certo periodo, fino al momento in cui i cicli stabilizzanti non vanno in crisi; la retroazione, da negativa diventa positiva (ad esempio sovrapproduzione e speculazione), le perturbazioni si accumulano, ed il sistema esplode in una biforcazione catastrofica verso un nuovo livello di stabilità. L'importante è ciò che succede nel periodo di fluttuazione caotica: in esso si osserva un fenomeno detto di nucleazione, vale a dire che una regione del sistema improvvisamente si auto-organizza in un nuovo ordine fino a raggiungere, via catastrofe, il nuovo assetto, il quale viene di nuovo stabilizzato da una serie di cicli di retroazione.

I trace the human economy approach to my association with French and Latin American activist sociologists, especially Jean-Louis Laville. Based on the work of Marcel Mauss and Karl Polanyi, this approach occupies a position on change between reform and revolution. The events of 2011 (Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street and a global increase in political activism) persuaded me to revisit the politics of a human economy, this time with greater emphasis on world revolution. Second, I explore this dialectic through my friendship with David Graeber. We more or less agree on the economics, but an initial opposition between centre- and extreme-left politics has been moving perceptibly on my part. My third point of reference is what I have learned about revolution from Lenin and C.L.R. James. Fourth, I examine reports hot from the blogosphere, Gabriella Coleman's study of Anonymous along with Ernst Bloch's principle of hope and a critical view of OWS. The human economy exists everywhere in dialectical tension with the dominant economic institutions of our day. I conclude by drawing on Marx's method in Grundrisse for studying the relationship between people, machines and money in history.

Kaum eine andere politische Denkerin wurde derart verehrt und gehasst wie Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919). Ihre Gedankenwelt ist geprägt von unbequemen Thesen, die aber einen Platz im Reich der Unvergänglichkeit gefunden haben und heute noch einen entscheidenden Einfluss ausüben; unter anderem auf Friedensdiskurse. Ihre bekannte, unbeugsame Kriegsgegnerschaft ist Gegenstand dieses Beitrages.
Genauer wird der Versuch unternommen, die Abwehr einer Militarisierung der Bildung − basierend auf Luxemburgischen und weiteren Theorien – mit Argumenten zu untermauern. Diese nimmt immer mehr zu, nachdem 2001 Frauen als Soldatinnen zugelassen sind und die Einberufung zum Grundwehrdienst 2011 ausgesetzt wurde, lässt sich kaum bezweifeln.
Anschließend werden Gedanken und Vorschläge für einen emanzipatorischen Bildungsansatz mit gesellschaftskritischen Zügen, wo der Mensch [Mensch sein ist vor allem die Hauptsache] im Mittelpunkt steht, präsentiert.
Johanna Panagiotou, Büchner Verlag

Mémoire présenté par :
Erwan MOREAU
en vue de l'obtention du diplôme de :
MASTER 2 RECHERCHE
Domaine : Sciences humaines et sociales
Mention : Ethnologie-Sociologie
Spécialité : SOCIOLOGIE
Préparé sous la direction de M. Jean Bruno RENARD, professeur de Sociologie
Juin 2014
Mention obtenue : très bien


Abstract (French) :

Le synonyme le plus proche du terme "monstre" est l'expression « contre-nature » (Aristote, Saint Augustin, Canguilhem, Lascault, Cuny Le Callet, Valton, etc.). Sentence paradoxale s'il en est quand on sait qu'au niveau biologique, il est entendu que rien de ce que produit la Nature ne peut voir le jour indépendamment du respect de ses lois et qu'il est le propre de l'imagination de pouvoir y créer des exceptions.

Mais parallèlement à la Nature, objet de la biologie et de la physique, se trouve une autre « nature » : la « connaissance ordinaire » (Aristote employait pour sa part le terme de « cours ordinaire », « ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολύ » en parlant du statut contre-nature du monstre), cette « chose que l'organisme construit dans le but de créer un ordre dans le flux de l'expérience »

Ainsi, tout monstre peut être traduit comme étant ce qui apparaît contraire à une  « connaissance ordinaire », à une réalité sensible, dans son acception la plus large, c'est-à-dire orientée vers l'esthétique (le plus couramment rattaché à une vision anthropocentrée) et/ou vers l'éthique (intolérance idéologique).

Aussi par le partage des affects que met en œuvre une communauté d'esprits (religieuse, laïque, révolutionnaire, impérialiste, etc.), des éléments « contre-nature » peuvent apparaître à un niveau macrosociologique. Éléments émergeant de l'esprit gnostique et de son succédané l'esprit dogmatique, chacun ayant pour spécificité de mettre en exergue le dualisme entre bien et mal, connaissance et ignorance les entraînant ainsi vers l'ère de la déliquescence, de la décadence, en somme vers les temps eschatologiques et leurs abominations monstrueuses.


Abstract (English) :

The best synonym for the word ‘monster’ is the expression ‘unnatural’’ (Aristote, Saint Augustin, Canguilhem, Lascault, Cuny Le Callet, Valton, etc.). That is a paradoxical sentence - if any - when we know that biologically speaking nothing produced by Nature can exist regardless of the respect of its laws. It is among the characteristics of imagination to create exceptions.

But parallel to the Nature as objet of biology and physic is another kind of ‘nature’: the ‘ordinary knowledge’. (Artistote named it the ‘ordinary course’ (ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολύ) to mention the unnatural aspect of monster), this ‘thing that is produced by the organism to create an order within the experience’s flow’.

Then any monster can be understood as what appears in contrary to an ‘ordinary knowledge’, a ‘sensitive reality’ in every sense, that is to say aesthetics- (mostly associated to an anthropocentred vision) and/or ethicspositioned (ideological intolerance).

And the sharing of affections made by a minds’ community (religious, lay, revolutionary or imperialist, etc.) can reveal some ‘unnatural’ elements at the level of macrosociology. Elements that are emerging from the Gnostic spirit and its substitute: the dogmatic spirit. Each specifically brings out the dualism between good and evil, knowledge and ignorance that leads towards the decay, decline age - in other words towards eschatological times and their monstrous abominations.

Lukìs Laras di Dimitrios Vikelas (1835-1908) venne tradotto per la prima volta in italiano da Amalia Ninni Triantafillis nel 1880 solo un anno dopo la sua pubblicazione a puntate sulla rivista ateniese Estía. L’edizione del romanzo fu avvertita come una novità editoriale, uno spartiacque tra il romanzo storico e il romanzo moderno e riscosse un immediato successo: la dimensione storica, politica e sociale rimane sullo sfondo mentre sono messe a fuoco la vita quotidiana e le vicende private del protagonista e del popolo greco sconvolti dalla rivoluzione (1821-1831). Lukìs Laras racconta infatti i pericoli corsi da lui e dalla sua famiglia nei primi anni della rivolta nel contesto di quegli eventi che condussero la Grecia alla sua indipendenza dalla Turchia. Nel romanzo le sorti personali di Lukìs e della sua famiglia diventano simbolo delle tragedie che molti greci a quel tempo dovettero superare, talvolta dando nuovo impulso al flusso della diaspora, un obiettivo odiato ed agognato che anche per il protagonista rappresentò la fine dell’insicurezza e degli stenti.

La generazione di Vikelas, nato nel 1835, non aveva vissuto direttamente gli eventi che portarono alla fine della dominazione ottomana nelle aree di lingua greca dal 1821, ma era desiderosa di conoscere dettagli e dinamiche dei fatti dal momento che considerava non ancora conclusa del tutto la liberazione della ‘Grecia’. Cresciuti con le storie delle imprese gloriose della rivoluzione, Vikelas e i suoi coetanei sono testimoni passivi di una stagione, nella quale i protagonisti sono ancora vivi e attivi. Le conseguenze politiche, sociali, culturali ed economiche coinvolgono e determinano il presente e il futuro della nuova generazione, che non ha scelta se non accogliere lo status quo, e sperare di allargare i confini della nuova Grecia, della nuova nazione europea che desidera avere uno spazio non solo geografico, ma anche geopolitico nella costituzione della mappa europea.

The focus of this research is one of the most contentious political transitions in Eastern Europe, the case of Romania. As there is still no official consensus on the nature of the events that ousted Ceausescu in 1989 in Romania, this dissertation provides an alternative theoretical framework by analysing the events through the prism of the broader literature on revolutions, coups d’état and civil wars. By adopting an interpretative methodology and deploying qualitative methods, the extent to which the events of 1989 fit in each category are evaluated by isolating key criteria used to test the validity and suitability of such explanations. The findings of this research point towards the hybridised nature of the events and the necessity of the development of new all-encompassing theory of political change.

The Congress of Vienna in Atlantic perspective. The Paris Conference  on the contention of the Banda Oriental

The article deals with the Paris Conference on the Banda Oriental (1816-1819), the summit which solved the question of the aforementioned region (between Uruguay and Brazil) disputed by Spain and Portugal. The Conference is taken as an effective  point of view to see how European states  acted in order to maintain or reinvent the existing political, cultural and ideological boundaries with the Hispanic-American colonies during the falling of the old empires. The research aims at investigating  these powers’ actual projection in the Atlantic space, questioning the teleological perspective on revolutions which has always given prominence to the national mobilization while neglecting other dinamics linked to the revolutions. To do so, the “reactionary” Atlantic space envisioned by Spain and the “liberal” Atlantic spaces  envisioned by France and Russia will be discussed and compared.

This chapter briefly reviews and analyzes the key contributions on organized violence within historical sociology. It explores both the macro-and micro-level studies that have influenced recent debates within the field. The first section looks at war and warfare, the second section analyzes the clandestine political violence, the third section explores the revolutions, and the final section engages with the scholarship on genocides.

"Türkiye’nin geçirdiği dönüşümün, bir ucu evrensellik diğer ucu tikellik olan bir skalada bu iki ucun birbiri ile sağlıklı ilişkisi kurularak değerlendirilmesi ihtiyacı oldukça yakıcıdır. Böyle bir yöntemsel yaklaşım ile, bu tarihsel deneyimdeki sınıfsal temel ve siyasal etkinlikler arasındaki eşitsiz gelişimin analizi ve bu gelişmenin ortaya çıkardığı çelişkiler üzerine odaklanılabilir. Böylesi bir bütünlük içinde ele alındığında Türkiye tarihi kayıp burjuvazinin, gelişmemiş sivil toplumun, olmayan işçi sınıfının, kurumsallaşamamış demokrasinin tarihi olmaktan, yani bir “yoklar tarihi” olarak anılmaktan kurtulacaktır."

The Greek Revolution is regarded by historians nowadays as an international event. In this context of the transnationalism of the Revolution, despite their differences, the volunteers involved in it are seen as carriers of a radical liberal ideology and as members of a network of joint military action; an informal “Liberal International”, which runs through and connects the fronts of all the liberal Mediterranean revolutions of the 1820s (in Spain, Italy and Greece), as well as those of Latin America, and is subsequently active in the revolutionary fields of Poland, France and Belgium (1830). This approach allows us to focus on the communication channels and the transnational networks of revolutionary ideology and action. On the other hand, the approach by nations of the Philhellenes volunteer fighters allows us to identify additional individual motivations depending on the particular conditions in their places of origin, beyond the common background of defending Christian faith and the birthplace of European culture. This paper presents a collective biography of the Italian Philhellenes volunteer fighters in Greece during the 1820s.
In particular, it studies the arrival / influx of Italian patriots in Greece at the onset of the Greek Revolution, which marked the beginning of the military action of the Italian Philhellenes and combined with the political emigration which followed the failed constitutional and liberal revolutions in Piedmont, Naples and Sicily (1820-21). At that time a few dozen volunteers moved to Greece; and later (1824-26) some more, most of them from England, where they had taken refuge after their revolutionary adventures and the defeat of the liberal and constitutional front in the Iberian Peninsula.
Firstly, the author investigates their identity and the nature of their contribution to the Greek struggle for independence: some provided organizational and institutional services, while others reinforced the revolutionary press; the majority, however, contributed to the efforts of recruiting a regular Greek revolutionary army and generally participated in military operations, either fighting as commanders or mere combatants, or providing health care services to the fighters.
Secondly, the paper examines the often problematic communication and convergence between the Italian volunteers and the Greek leaders and fighters, their martial skills and activities, as well as the benefits they gained from participating in the Greek Revolution, given that it was additionally used as a field for serving their own patriotic needs: for testing new organizational tools, but also for consolidating and propagating their patriotic stakes.

BREGIANNI CATHERINE
Academy of Athens

National Identity and the Greek Revolution in the Autobiography of Ioannis Capodistria (1826); a Multilateral Greekness? 
Article in English

Περίληψη/ελληνικά
Θεματικός άξονας : Στο άρθρο εξετάζεται αφενός η συνθετική προσέγγιση της ελληνικότητας από τον αυτοβιογραφούμενο Ιωάννη Καποδίστρια, από τους βασικούς πρωταγωνιστές της Επανάστασης, υπό την οπτική τόσο της αποτύπωσης της σταδιακά συγκροτούμενης εθνικής ταυτότητας (μιας συλλογικής, δηλαδή, διαδικασίας) όσο και της πρόσληψής των επιμέρους στοιχείων της εθνικής ταυτότητας από τον ίδιο τον αυτοβιουγραφούμενο. Αφετέρου εξετάζεται πώς ο ίδιος ο Καποδίστριας προσέλαβε την έκρηξη της Επανάστασης και ποιες ήταν η καταγεγραμμένη θέση του ως προς την εμπλοκή του στην επαναστατική διαδικασία. 
Πηγή :    Αυτοβιογραφία του Ιωάννη Καποδίστρια, στην έκδοσή της με επιμέλεια και μετάφραση του Μιχαήλ Λάσκαρη (1962). Φυσικά, θα ήταν πιο ακριβές να μιλάμε για μια ανασκόπηση της πολιτικής του σταδιοδρομίας του Καποδίστρια παρά για μια αυτοβιογραφία ή, καλύτερα, για την πολιτική του αναφορά στον Τσάρο, στον οποίο απευθύνεται το κείμενο στα τέλη του 1826 με τη μορφή μνημονίου, συνοδεύοντας την παραίτησή του από τη ρωσική διπλωματική υπηρεσία.
Μεθοδολογία: Η έρευνα στηρίζεται μεθοδολογικά στην χρήση της αυτοβιογραφίας ως έμμεσης ιστορικής πηγής όχι μόνο για τα γεγονότα και τα κοινωνικά φαινόμενα που περιγράφονται, αλλά κυρίως για την πρόσληψή τους από τον αυτοβιογραφούμενο. Υπό αυτή την οπτική, θεωρείται ότι ο αυτοβιογραφούμενος διαμορφώνει σταδιακά ένα «αρχείο» μνήμης, για την κατασκευή του οποίου επιλέγει όχι μόνο τα γεγονότα της ζωής του που θα ενσωματώσει στη διήγηση, αλλά και τις προσωπικές του πεποιθήσεις. Επιπροσθέτως, οι αυτοβιογραφίες των πολιτικών προσωπικοτήτων, όπως του Καποδίστρια, έχουν τον πρόσθετο περιορισμό ότι είναι απολογισμοί μιας πολιτικής σταδιοδρομίας, καθώς και ότι υποχρεωτικά εναρμονίζονται με τη δημόσια εικόνα του συγγραφέα ή με αυτό που μπορεί να ονομαστεί μορφή αυτό-λογοκρισίας προκειμένου να προστατευθούν τα ιδεολογικά διακυβεύματα. Στη συγκεκριμένη εργασία θα ενσωματωθεί η επεξεργασία αρχειακού υλικού (δημοσιευμένου και μη) από το προσωπικό Αρχείο Καποδίστρια/ΓΑΚ Κέρκυρας, προκειμένου να διερευνηθεί η υλοποίηση των ιδεολογικών αποχρώσεων, που ίδιος καταγράφει στην αυτοβιογραφία του, κατά την θητεία του ως πρώτος Κυβερνήτης της Ελλάδος. 
Υποθέσεις εργασίας: Με βάση τις παραπάνω μεθοδολογικές δεσμεύσεις, η ανάλυση του κειμένου αποσκοπεί να καταγράψει τα στοιχεία της εθνικής ταυτότητας, όπως αυτά γίνονται κατανοητά από τον Καποδίστρια, ο οποίος στην αφήγησή του προσδίδει πολυσυλλεκτικά χαρακτηριστικά στην «ελληνικότητα» και επισημαίνει τους κινδύνους από την προσκόλληση του Έθνους αποκλειστικά στις Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις. Επιπροσθέτως, ο ίδιος προβαίνει σε κατηγοριοποίηση των κοινωνικών δυνάμεων που βρίσκονται πίσω από την επαναστατική δυναμική του ελληνισμού, πράγμα που μπορεί να είναι διαφωτιστικό για την σημερινή συζήτηση του κοινωνικού χαρακτήρα του 1821.     
Πέρα από τις ιδεολογικές και πολιτικές σημάνσεις, η Αυτοβιογραφία είναι πρόσφορη για τη μελέτη των διάφορων φιλοσοφικών ρευμάτων του 19ου αιώνα, από τα οποία αντλεί ο Καποδίστριας, ενώ καταγράφεται και το εγχείρημα του ιδίου να εγγράψει την Επανάσταση στο διεθνές διπλωματικό πλαίσιο των αρχών του 19ου αιώνα.
Όπως έγινε και παραπάνω υπαινιγμός, οι επιμέρους υποθέσεις εργασίες που εκβάλουν από την Αυτοβιογραφία, διερευνώνται επίσης μέσα από αρχειακό υλικό.