Immigration History

Neste trabalho o objetivo principal é de evidenciar o nacionalismo alemão, através de Fichte
com o nacionalismo dinamarquês, através de Orla Lehmann no século XIX e seus
desdobramentos na anexação do Schleswig-Holstein pela Prússia no ano de 1866 e o papel
que tais movimentos tiveram neste processo histórico. Para entender esse contexto,
devemos ter em mente a questão linguística e a histórica dessa região, como também as
relações da Prússia com a Europa. A situação da Península da Jutlândia, e mais
propriamente dos ducados de Schleswig e Holstein começaram a preocupar a Europa no
século XIX, principalmente as potências estrangeiras, como a Grã-Bretanha, França e
Rússia, que não aceitariam uma Dinamarca enfraquecida em favor da Confederação
Germânica, nem a Prússia adquirirem o ducado de Holstein com o importante porto naval de
Kiel e com isso controlar todas as rotas de comércio através do mar Báltico. Essa tensão
surge devido as grandes aspirações de Bismarck, ou seja, de sua política expansionista de
cunho militar e econômico com bases no nacionalismo alemão do século XIX.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

The Popularization of Belly Dance in Toronto, Canada (1950-1990): Hybridization and Uneven Exchange Anne Vermeyden Advisors: University of Guelph, 2016 Dr. Femi Kolapo and Dr. Renée Worringer Belly dance was first performed publicly in Toronto during the late nineteenth century. While immigrants to Canada from the Middle East faced discrimination, white audiences could not get enough of stereotypical portrayals of danse du ventre. Hollywood further popularized the Orientalist image of the belly dancer, and beginning in the 1950s, star Middle Eastern dancers like Samia Gamal and Nejla Ateş were making appearances on Toronto stages. By the 1960s, American, Middle Eastern, and Canadian dancers were performing belly dance in Toronto’s hotel nightclubs and restaurants. During belly dance’s peak popularity in the 1970s and 1980s, multiple venues were running two belly dance shows a night, six days a week, and belly dance classes were so popular they were often waitlisted. Why and how did ...

10 lieux | 10 événements est une opération programmée par la Cité nationale de l’histoire de l’immigration dans le cadre des Journées Européennes du Patrimoine 2009 en lien avec des lieux de mémoire
emblématiques du patrimoine de l’immigration.

Médiathèque Abdelmalek Sayad

Over the course of its history, Canada has always welcomed a steady number of foreign-born and foreign-trained doctors; however, the period 1954–1976 witnessed a unique event in twentieth-century Canadian medical and immigration history. In the context of a “national doctor shortage,” many provinces aggressively recruited doctors from abroad, licensing over 10,000 new foreign-trained physicians, more doctors than the provinces graduated domestically during this period. By the mid-1970s many communities—particularly those in rural and or remote regions—were serviced primarily by foreign-trained doctors. This essay examines this experiment in managing physician resources through targeted immigration, exploring regional differences in the goals and outcomes of these practices. The results of the dramatic influx of foreign-trained doctors were threefold: (1) the period witnessed a steady reduction in the inequality of physicians between provinces; (2) foreign-trained doctors were more likely to set up practice in non-urban settings, creating an urban-rural divide in physician services; and (3) the arrival of thousands of foreign-trained doctors managed to save the embryonic universal health insurance systems that had been mandated by the 1966 Medicare Act of Canada. The essay concludes by placing the Canadian reliance on international medical graduates in this period in a broader international context and making comparisons to contemporary Canadian health policy.

Two central assumptions inform the research on the literary languages of immi- grant and émigré writers. The first is that bilingual and polyglot authors tend to produce linguistically hybrid texts. The second is that publishers and their associ- ates are responsible for the occasions when this does not occur. To question both, this article focuses on the little-studied life and career of Margret and H.A. Rey, the well-known children’s book authors and illustrators and creators of the “Curi- ous George” series. What wider gamut of forces could have forged polyglot indi- viduals into monolingual authors and purveyors of monolingual publishing?

Days after taking the White House, Donald Trump signed three executive orders—these authorized the Muslim Ban, the border wall, and ICE raids. These orders would define his administration’s approach toward noncitizens. An essential primer on how we got here, Bans, Walls, Raids, Sanctuary shows that such barriers to immigration are embedded in the very foundation of the United States. A. Naomi Paik reveals that the forty-fifth president’s xenophobic, racist, ableist, patriarchal ascendancy is no aberration, but the consequence of two centuries of U.S. political, economic, and social culture. She deftly demonstrates that attacks against migrants are tightly bound to assaults against women, people of color, workers, ill and disabled people, and queer and gender nonconforming people. Against this history of barriers and assaults, Bans, Walls, Raids, Sanctuary mounts a rallying cry for a broad-based, abolitionist sanctuary movement for all.

The documentary depicts the journey of a teenage girl and her mother who move to California in 2012 because of the Syrian civil war. Together they learn to live in a different culture and face challenges to their traditions - ­all while endeavoring to build a better future.

In this working paper we will present a research methodology for describing and comparing corpus of video productions diffused and shared on social media platforms (here: You Tube). The objective of this research is: 1. to study and interpret the cultural representations of the figure of the migrant/immigrant and refugee in virtual local and global communities viewing, commenting and remediating (rewriting) such video productions and 2. to interpret these cultural representations as belonging to a diversity of (new) folk cultures offering especially people from the younger generations (the so-called Millennials and Post-Millennials also sometimes called Homelanders) an epistemic framework for thematizing and narrating the (social) Other (here: the migrant, the immigrant and the refugee). This paper constitutes the principal support of our course entitled “Cultural visions of (im)migrants and (im)migration in the digital social mediasphere”. This course is part of the EMICC (European Master in InterCultural Communication) program offered by a network of European universities and coordinated by the Università della Svizzera italiana (USI) in Lugano . The methodology and results discussed in this paper will also be presented in the First Eurocampus Conference “Advances in Intercultural Communication” in January 2018 and hosted by the Universidade Aberta in Coimbra (Portugal). Finally, we would also like to stress that this is a first uncorrected version of a research article to be published in the Cambridge Handbook of Intercultural Communication, edited by Guido Rings and Sebastian Rasinger (expected publication date: end of 2018/first half of 2019).

This translation comes from the 1921 edition of the Czech-American annual journal, Amerikán Národní Kalendář.  It is a biography of Czech-American František Korbel, shortly after his death.  Not many know the deep ties between Bohemia and the vineyards of F. Korbel & Bros., which carry his name today.  It also features several '48'ers in the story.  A nice piece of history of a highly successful, buy little remembered, Czech entrepreneur in 1800s America.

Le plus souvent ignoré de la politique d’immigration française, qui s’est essentiellement constituée autour d’impératifs économiques, l’aspect culturel des phénomènes liés aux migrations a néanmoins fait l’objet de mesures spécifiques. Au tournant des années 1980, il est possible de voir émerger une politique culturelle d’intégration. Retracer la genèse de cette politique donne des éléments d’analyse pour comprendre l’apparition d’un modèle français d’intégration et permet de mieux connaître les institutions qui portent aujourd’hui le projet de Cité nationale de l’histoire de l’immigration.

Defectives in the Land: Disability and American Immigration Policy, 1882–1924
Comment: Historicizing the Notion of Disability
Comment: Immigration History and Disability History
Comment: Health, Disease, and Immigration Policy
Comment: Comparative Observations on Disability in History

It was what many had been hoping for: some sort of relief. But did it
come too late? And was it enough? On the evening of Thursday, November 20, 2014, US president Barack Obama went on live television to announce a new administrative action to reform the US immigration system. Obama began, “Today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it. . . . It’s been this way for decades. And for decades, we haven’t done much about it.” Responding to growing discontent among immigrant rights groups, the president and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) together issued a memorandum expanding the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program of 2012. DACA—instituted by a DHS directive rather than congressional action—provided temporary work permits and deportation relief to more than 664,000 young undocumented immigrants who had lived in the United States since childhood.1 The 2014 expansion announced by President Obama eliminated DACA’s upper age ceiling of thirty-one years and introduced a new program, Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Permanent Residents (DAPA), to provide deportation relief and work permits to an estimated 3.5 million undocumented immigrants with US-born children.

This article examines the humanitarian internationalism of the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada (JLC) between 1938 and 1952. Throughout WWII, the JLC sent aid to European resistance movements, and in its aftermath participated in the "garment workers' schemes," a series of immigration projects that resettled thousands of displaced persons in Canada. Undertaken independently by the Jew-ish-Canadian community, with the assistance of trade unions, the projects worked to overcome tight border restrictions and early Cold War realpolitik. In doing so, the JLC united Jewish institutions, trade unionists, social democrats, and anti-fascists across Europe and North America. It also acted in a pivotal moment in the evolution of Canada's refugee system and domestic attitudes toward racism. As such, the JLC's history is a microcosm for the shifting nature of relations between Jews, Canada, and the left writ large.

Cet article examine l’internationalisme humanitaire du Jewish Labour Committee du Canada (JLC) entre 1938 et 1952. Tout au long de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le JLC a envoyé de l’aide aux mouvements de résistance européens et a participé, après l’armistice, aux « garment workers’ schemes », une série de projets d’immigration qui ont permis de réinstaller des milliers de personnes déplacées au Canada. Entrepris indépendamment par la communauté juive canadienne et avec l’aide de syndicats, ces projets ont permis de surmonter les restrictions frontalières et la realpolitik du début de la guerre froide. Ce faisant, le JLC a réuni des institutions juives, des syndicalistes, des sociaux-démocrates et des antifascistes de toute l’Europe et de l’Amérique du Nord. Il a également agi à un moment charnière de l’évolution du système canadien d’octroi de l’asile et des attitudes de la population à l’égard du racisme. En tant que telle, l’histoire du JLC est un microcosme de la nature changeante des relations entre les Juifs, le Canada et la gauche au sens large.

Through six intensive and semi-structured interviews, this research paper examines the role social support networks may or may not have played in facilitating the resettlement experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees living in Canada after the Vietnam War. It was observed that those who were privately-sponsored emphasized the instrumental role their benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement, whereas those who were government-sponsored were forced to adopt a more independent mindset of forming their own social support systems. Regardless of sponsorship type, the notion of hard work was a commonality found amongst the participants. They arrived at the receiving country expecting and willing to accept conditions of underemployment and downward mobility. The effects of pre-migration enabling factors such as marital status and educational attainment are also acknowledged. Within a social support framework, theories of social capital and resiliency are used to analyze the lives of the participants after the traumatic experience of forced migration.

Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese refugees, resettlement, Canada, social support network, resiliency theory

There are few places where mobility has shaped identity as widely as the American West, but some locations and populations sit at its major crossroads, maintaining control over place and mobility, labor and race. In Collisions at the Crossroads, Genevieve Carpio argues that mobility, both permission to move freely and prohibitions on movement, helped shape racial formation in the eastern suburbs of Los Angeles and the Inland Empire throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By examining policies and forces as different as historical societies, Indian boarding schools, bicycle ordinances, immigration policy, incarceration, traffic checkpoints, and Route 66 heritage, she shows how local authorities constructed a racial hierarchy by allowing some people to move freely while placing limits on the mobility of others. Highlighting the ways people of color have negotiated their place within these systems, Carpio reveals a compelling and perceptive analysis of spatial mobility through physical movement and residence.

This essay challenges the idea that restrictive immigration policies toward persons with disabilities were a uniquely American phenomenon. I focus in particular on the place of mental disability in the history of French, German, and British immigration. I explore where and how disability was a “question” in European immigration and how it related to broader preoccupations with employment, racial fitness, and productive capacity.

Gina Bellafante wrote in the New York Times on 3/1/20 that the city would soon feel the impact of its hospital shortage when the Covid-19 Virus arrived.  She specifically singled out the closure and sale of St. Vincent's Hospital, noting its replacement by luxury condominiums.  My article here provides an example of St. Vincent Hospital in action at the turn of the twentieth century when it cared for over a hundred Titanic survivors.  Its disaster expertise is now sorely missed in New York City.

St. Vincent's Hospital was founded and run by the religious order Sisters of Charity in the Nineteenth Century.  This article is part of a larger project that examines the full scope of disaster relief for Titanic survivors in New York and London from 1912 to 1950.

Full text  : http://books.openedition.org/pur/6543


Les « Petites Italies dans le monde », c’est l’histoire planétaire des migrants italiens vue par le plus petit commun dénominateur : le semis sur plusieurs continents de quartiers urbains devenus les territoires de communautés qui se sont longtemps pensées comme l’autre bout d’une chaîne liée à leur village ou région de la péninsule. Comment s’est faite la précipitation, de cette diversité d’origines à l’espace de quelques rues dans les villes et métropoles des pays d’installation ? Comment s’y est forgée une identité italienne de l’étranger et selon quels processus ces « ethnoterritoires » ont-ils produit des citadins invisibles, composante néanmoins singulière des peuples d’accueil ? D’un côté, le vécu des quartiers, de l’autre, les variantes entre les sociétés d’immigration : les termes de la comparaison semblaient simples. Historiens de renom ou jeunes chercheurs, les auteurs, originaires de nombreux pays, réservent quelques surprises au fil du livre. Le voyage se fait à l’envers : à partir du Nouveau monde, où sont nées les Petites Italies, on revient vers l’Europe où elles n’ont pas eu la même fortune, pour toucher aux limites inédites de la Russie et de l’Australie. L’évolution sociale s’efface souvent derrière les pratiques culturelles – cinéma, radio –, alors que le poids du politique dans la construction des identités se trouve confi rmé. Et si la longue durée de deux siècles d’émigration est souvent prise en compte, c’est pour interroger le devenir même de l’expression « Petite Italie ». Cela conduit à décoder les images, les œuvres littéraires et le discours des historiens eux-mêmes. De la version noire du XIXe siècle où Little Italy rimait avec quartier mal famé peuplé d’immigrés crasseux et bruyants, aux évocations plus chaleureuses qui ont fi ni par s’installer avant de laisser place aux reconstructions mythiques contemporaines, les « Petites Italies » ont toujours alimenté des représentations qui n’avaient que peu à voir avec le vécu et le devenir des quartiers communautaires. Elles constituent désormais des lieux de mémoire qui appartiennent autant à l’histoire des migrants italiens qu’à celles des pays où ils ont fait souche.

Auteurs: Patrizia Audenino, Loretta Baldassar, Antonio Bechelloni, Luigi Biondi, Ilaria Brancoli, Antonio Canovi, Paola Corti, Bénédicte Deschamps, Fernando Devoto, Caroline Douki, Michel Dreyfus, Stephane Dufoix, Elena Dundovitch, Valérie Fouché, Emilio Franzina, Donna Gabaccia, Francesca Gori, Patricia Hidiroglou, Jean-Luc Huard, Stefano Luconi, Fraser Ottanelli, Judith Rainhorn, Monica Raisa Schpun, Bruno Ramirez, Yvonne Rieker, Frédéric Spagnoli, Laure Teulières, Maddalena Tirabassi, Nadia Venturini

On réduit souvent l’immigration polonaise en France aux mineurs du Nord / Pas-de-Calais. Pourtant de nombreux Polonais ont pris depuis le Moyen Âge le chemin des régions du sud de la France : pèlerins à St Gilles du Gard, étudiants dans les universités de Montpellier, Toulouse..., réfugiés du XIXe s, lycéens de Villard-de-Lans, ouvriers agricoles, métayers dans le Sud-Ouest, ouvriers d’industrie et mineurs du Gard, Tarn, Aveyron, Loire, Bourgogne, Auvergne… Sans oublier les camps d’internement de 1914-1918, ou encore la Résistance polonaise en France en 39-45.

It wasn’t possible to create the total emigrant political center in 1920–1930s because of the conditions in the environment of the Russian emigration, it was necessary to find an alternative. Only regional and continental political centers of Russian abroad, for example, Western European, Balkan, Far East, North America and other associations could serve as an alternative. As a result, there were created several associations: «All-Russian Association of America», «Bureau of Russian emigrants in the Manchu-Go», «anti-communist Central Committee of the Russian emigration in North China», «Bureau of Russian immigrants in Germany», «Russian national Front», «Russian antikomintern».

Through migrant and activist testimonies, media coverage, and government documents, this article explores the modes of resistance inside and outside of immigration detention that arose in response to new, more punitive detention policies enacted by the Reagan administration that specifically targeted Caribbean and Central American asylum-seekers in the early 1980s, and the modes of retaliation adopted by the administration in response. It argues migrant detention operates as a form of counter-insurgency, re-centering the geopolitics of asylum within the transnational scope of counter-insurgent warfare and its role in the rise of carceral trends more broadly. Reagan’s “Cold War on immigrants”—defined as a suite of new immigration enforcement measures that was adopted by the Reagan administration during its first term and buttressed the subsequent growth of the detention system—sparked mass resistance. Mounting public dissent against Reagan’s foreign and immigration policies, as evidenced by “inside-outside” and transnational activism, Jesse Jackson’s 1984 presidential campaign, and the Central America peace and Sanctuary movements, prompted the administration to wage a total war against its opponents to maintain its immigration control and foreign policy aims. The contemporary US immigration detention system emerged, and continues, out of this dialectic of resistance and retaliation.

Military prostitution has been a staple of US–Korea relations since the 1940s, contained in the so-called camptown communities surrounding US military bases in South Korea. But during the 1970s, as the US military steadily reduced its troop presence in Asia, camptowns were thrown into a chaotic state. Facing tremendous social disorder and economic upheaval, establishments that depended upon GI patronage began sending their madams and sex workers to domestic military sites through brokered marriages with US servicemen. These women arrived in the US South, a region housing the vast majority of America’s military. Consequently, southern bases like Fort Bragg in Fayetteville (NC), Fort Campbell in Clarksville (TN), and Fort Hood in Killeen (TX) saw the proliferation of military prostitution, which took form in illicit massage businesses catering to the sexual needs of local troop populations. By the 1980s, the Korean American sex trade would spread from these southern military towns to elsewhere in the United States. Highlighting the transpacific circuits among camptowns in South Korea and military bases in the United States since 1945, this article develops a portrait of the US South as a transnational militarized terrain, the camptown as a transpacific phenomenon, and Korean immigrant community formation as deeply intertwined with the happenings of US militarism abroad. In doing so, it explains how the proliferation of illicit massage businesses witnessed by southern military communities in the 1970s was a transnational outgrowth of military prostitution encouraged by the US military in South Korea.

U.S. Army enlistment records do not merely document military service; they can shed light on otherwise obscure aspects of American immigration history. This is especially true in regard to the Canadian-born men who joined the forces of the Republic during the Mexican War (1846-1848). Newly retrieved data indicates that approximately 1,500 individuals from British North America enlisted—a fairly widespread survival strategy at a time when people from the Canadas and the Atlantic colonies were increasingly seeking opportunities abroad. Enlistment records tell us something of the economic backgrounds of prospective soldiers and the ways in which the creation of a national market in the United States drew British subjects south of the border. Thus they provide a valuable glimpse into an oft-overlooked aspect of Canadian and North American history prior to 1849.