International Law

This paper is a brief review essay of Anne Orford's book 'International Authority and the Responsibility to Protect' which, along with three others and a response by the author published in the inaugural issue of the 'London Review of International Law', was first given at an author-meets-reader session at the University of Sydney. This review addresses the Foucaultian dimensions of Orford's book.

This essay seeks to examine in parts, the ostensible absence of women’s political participation, particularly in peace processes in Africa. The essay will draw experiences and examples from a couple of African countries to argue that women’s continuous absence in peace discourses is as a result of political stereotypes, backed by patriarchal norms and masculinity tendencies which usually epitomises maleness to the ‘knower’, ‘protector’, ‘powerful’, ‘leader’.

Therefore in instances were women are able to actively participate on equal capacities like their male counterparts, it goes against and threatens the constructed patriarchal systems and its flair of hegemony.

It is a well-established principle of international law that applicable law provisions do not expand the jurisdiction of international courts and tribunals. Nevertheless, UNCLOS tribunals have not uniformly conformed to this principle. In particular, the tribunals in M/V Saiga (No. 2), Guyana v. Suriname, and M/V Virginia G effectively invoked Article 293(1) to expand their jurisdiction. And although the tribunals in MOX Plant, Chagos, Arctic Sunrise, and Duzgit Integrity have stood by the principle, they all failed to recognize the legal error committed by the other three tribunals. This Comment argues that an express refutation of the erroneous jurisprudence is necessary to preserve the legitimacy of UNCLOS proceedings.

The world is entering a new phase in its international relations. In Eastern Europe new political entities
have emerged. The article deals with the case of Slovakia in the period 1939 – 1945, an example of a de
facto State that emerged during a time of instability in Europe. Slovakia 1939–1945 held many
characteristics of a de iure State such as a wide international recognition. From a formal point of view it
could thus be described as a de iure State, however, the article shows that it is not possible to characterise
it in this way and slightly amends the criteria for accepting de facto States. The case of Slovakia 1939 –
1945 shows how vulnerable small States can become and how quickly recognition can be granted as well
as withdrawn.

U radu će se odrediti pojam i predočiti definicija međunarodnih obaveza, poglavito onih erga omnes. U prvome će se dijelu rada raspravljati o ključnim elementima materijalnoga međunarodnoga prava s ovim u vezi, dok će drugi dio biti posvećen međunarodnim sprovedbenim mehanizmima - procesnome međunarodnome pravu - za svrhe utvrđivanja međunarodne odgovornosti za povrede obaveza erga omnes. Polazne postavke leže u činjenici da postoji konceptualna distinkcija međunarodnih obaveza erga omnes. Postoje tako erga omnes per se, obaveze koje djeluju prema međunarodnoj zajednici u cjelini, i druga skupina, erga omnes partes, obaveze koje proizlaze za države stranke mnogostranih međunarodnih ugovora. U radu ćemo učiniti kratku analizu odnosa obaveza erga omnes per se i jus cogens. Jednako tako, a što je Međunarodni sud u Den Haagu u više svojih odluka ustvrdio, erga omnes karakter norme i pravilo o zasnivanju nadležnosti Međunarodnoga suda jesu dvije različite stvari te da, uprkos prostoj činjenici da su prava i obaveze erga omnes dio predmeta jednoga međunarodnoga spora, takvo što ipak ne daje ipso facto Sudu nadležnost da odlučuje u tome sporu. Jednak učinak na uspostavljanje nadležnosti Međunarodnoga suda ima i povrijeđena norma jus cogens, koja je kao takva predmet nekoga međunarodnoga spora između država. Nadalje, biće istraženo kakvo je to stajalište, a u odnosu na predmet našega istraživanja, zauzela Komisija Ujedinjenih nacija za međunarodno pravo donošenjem Nacrta Pravila o odgovornosti država i međunarodnih organizacija za međunarodne protupravne čine 2001, odnosno 2011. Kod postupanja u slučaju kršenja, u međunarodnopravnoj doktrini, ali i u praksi, valjalo bi razlučiti obaveze erga omnes od actio popularis. S druge strane, da li je razumno ustvrditi da se odnosni koncepti mogu valjano povezati s doktrinom univerzalne nadležnosti?

إن هذا العالم بكل ما يحويه من تعقيدات و هموم ليس مهما بالنسبة لأغلبية البشرية، فقد يبدو غامضا بالنسبة للمنهمكين في روتين الحياة اليومية، حتى أنه أحيانا قد يبدو لنا مجرد تصورات لا تدوم طويلا، و نرغب أن يتركنا هذا العالم كلية، و أحيانا أخرى يبدو لنا مهما و كأننا جزء منه، و نود أن يكون هذا العالم أكثر اتساعا و حضورا في واقعنا المعاش، و نشعر فجأة أننا نؤثر في تغيراته و تطوره و نستفيد من وجوده.لقد مضى عهد من الزمن، سعى فيه جيل آخر – أفزعته فضائع الحرب و الإمكانات الطليقة العنان لتدمير الإنسان نفسه – إلى تأمين مستقبل متحرر من الخوف و متحرر من الحاجة، و حاول قدر الإمكان إضفاء طابع الإنسانية على النزاعات المسلحة، و التي شهدت تطورا هائلا في الآونة الأخيرة. و كانت نتيجة هذا الجهد الاتفاق على مجموعة من القواعد تسعى – لأسباب إنسانية – الحد من تأثيرات النزاعات المسلحة، و من هنا نشأ القانون الدولي الإنساني.

To cite:
Wilkins, A. 2017. Rescaling the local: Multi-academy trusts, private monopoly and statecraft in England. Journal of Educational Administration and History, 49 (2), 171-185

For the past six years successive UK governments in England have introduced reforms intended to usher in less aggregated, top-down, bureaucratically overloaded models of service delivery as well as secure conditions for greater school autonomy.  Yet the ‘hollowing out’ of local government has not resulted in less bureaucracy on the ground or less regulation from above, nor has it diminished hierarchy as an organising principle of education governance.  In some cases, monopolies and monopolistic practices dominated by powerful bureaucracies and professional groups persist, albeit realised through the involvement of new actors and organisations from business and philanthropy.  In this paper I adopt a governmentality perspective to explore the political significance of large multi-academy trusts (MATs) – private sponsors contracted by central government to run publicly funded schools – to the generation of new scalar hierarchies and accountability infrastructures that assist in bringing the gaze of government to bear upon the actions of schools that are otherwise less visible under local government management.  On this account, it is argued, MATs are integral to statecraft and the invention and assemblage of particular apparatuses for intervening upon specific organisations, spaces and peoples.

In this chapter I will examine the origins, functions, and consequences of extraterritoriality in Siam, and its important role in the creation of the modern Thai state. More specifically, I will trace the role of extraterritoriality in the creation of a territorially bound polity governed through bureaucratic mechanisms displaying a high degree of legalisation of social relations and integrated into a global capitalist system. In the first part of this chapter, I will examine the establishment, operation, and abolition of extraterritoriality in Siam, having as my main reference-point the 1855 Bowring Treaty and the subsequent legal, institutional, and economic reforms enacted by the Siamese monarchy in its attempt to have extraterritoriality abolished. In the second part, I will discuss the process of creating a territorialised, centralised state and the assumption of control over former vassal states by Bangkok. Here I revisit imperial struggle and co-operation between Britain and Siam regarding the resource-rich Northern Siam (Lanna). I will argue that extraterritoriality treaties in 1874 and 1883 crystallised the alliance between foreign capital and the Siamese ruling classes, an alliance that drove the process of state-building in Siam. The core of my argument is that extraterritorial jurisdiction was a legal technique through which British capitalists, the Foreign Office, the Siamese monarchy, and the nascent bourgeoisie formed a precarious and contradictory, yet operationally effective, alliance that enabled Siam’s transition to capitalism, the emergence of fixed borders, and the subjugation of northern vassal states and concomitant consolidation of state control over these territories, as well as the mastery over and commodification of nature.

Le secteur des entreprises publiques joue un rôle important dans le cadre du développement économique et social de notre pays. Son implication directe dans la mise en oeuvre des stratégies publiques sectorielles justifie le renforcement des pratiques de gouvernance des entreprises publiques en vue de plus d'efficience et de performance. Après une revue de littérature sur les fondements théoriques de la gouvernance d'entreprise, cet article se propose d'étaler les Bonnes Pratiques de Gouvernance appliquées aux entreprises publiques. Certes, des mesures ont été prises par l'Etat (Loi 69-00, code de la Bonne gouvernance des EEP, Contractualisation) pour améliorer la gouvernance des EEP, néanmoins, plusieurs défis restent à relever. Abstract The public enterprises sector plays an important role in the economic and social development of our country. The direct involvement of this sector in the implementation of other sectors' public policies' justifies strengthening governance practices of public entreprises for greater efficiency and performance. After literature review on the theoretical foundations of corporate governance, this article provides good public companies governance practices. It is true that the government has undertaken reforms (69-00 Act, Good Governance Code of, Contractualisation) to improve the governance of State Owned Entreprises (SOE), however, several challenges remain.

this report is to provide an assessment of the current and potential importance of tuna to the economy of Mozambique.  This study forms part of a series of reports commissioned by WWF to provide regional and country specific evaluations of the importance of tuna to WIO economies.

The activities of all relevant DWFS are profiled including the EU and the East Asian Fleets.

"The increasing sensibility regarding intangible cultural heritage provides momentum to better define a legal framework for the protection of these peculiar immaterial goods. This article questions whether the current intellectual property rights (IPRs) regime represents an adequate model of protection vis-à-vis intangible cultural heritage. A plethora of caveats must be taken into consideration, starting with the desirability of the commodification of intangible cultural heritage, i.e. its exploitation and commercialization through the IPRs regime, but also including the outlining of the legal instruments needed for guaranteeing adequate advantages for the countries and communities representing the sources of origin of the intangible goods. 
After framing the crucial issues detected in literature regarding intangible cultural heritage, the article investigates the ways in which the actual IPRs regime grants protection to intangible goods. Our evaluation supports the idea that, without a many-faceted remodeling, current intellectual property laws represent an unsatisfactory mechanism for protecting intangible cultural heritage. This inadequacy is rooted in the inefficacy of IPRs under the patent and copyright regimes in ensuring the protection of cultural heritage, while also falling short of fostering an appropriate comprehensive social policy."

L’étude des travaux préparatoires du Pacte de la Société des Nations invite à revenir aux origines d’une controverse qui est toujours au centre de problèmes actuels, comme celui de la réforme du Conseil de Sécurité ou celui de la focalisation de la justice pénale internationale sur les ressortissants d’Etats faibles et anciennement colonisés. Cette controverse tourne autour de la question de savoir comment assurer l’efficacité d’une organisation internationale universelle sans institutionnaliser par là un impérialisme arbitraire, ou sans faire perdre toute indépendance à des Etats représentant des peuples soucieux de s’autodéterminer. En 1919, lors de l’élaboration de l’instrument fondateur de la première organisation de maintien de la paix à vocation universelle, quelle réponse fut apportée à cette question et pourquoi ?
Le Pacte et la Société qu’il établit sont connus pour leur inefficacité à prévenir la Seconde Guerre mondiale, et il n’est pas spécialement méconnu qu’ils véhiculaient un certain impérialisme de la part des vainqueurs du premier conflit mondial. Dans un très grand nombre de travaux toutefois, le Pacte est présenté de manière plus précise comme le projet idéaliste et désintéressé du Président américain Woodrow Wilson, qui n’est malheureusement pas parvenu à imposer une organisation efficace à des partenaires plus réticents. D’origine principalement états-unienne, cette présentation consiste à dénoncer dans le conservatisme européen la source de l’inefficacité du projet porté par le Président des Etats-Unis. Une telle vision des choses est radicalement infirmée par l’examen des projets de Pacte, et par celui du contexte et du déroulement de sa négociation. En effet, plutôt qu’en une véritable concertation multilatérale, la négociation du Pacte consista grosso modo en l’imposition d’un compromis entre Britanniques et Etats-uniens aux Français, puis aux autres Etats membres de la Commission où le Pacte se négociait officiellement, et enfin aux autres Etats présents à la Conférence de Paris. En outre, les négociations montrent que la position de Woodrow Wilson était tournée vers les intérêts de son pays et même vers les siens propres, et qu’il est l’un des principaux responsables de la faiblesse des institutions de la Société. Ainsi, les défauts du Pacte et de la Société étaient déjà connus pour la plupart d’entre eux, et leurs principaux remèdes, présentés par plusieurs délégations et fermement défendus par la délégation française, ne furent pas adoptés en raison de l’opposition opiniâtre des délégations britanniques et états-uniennes. Au nom d’une certaine idée de la souveraineté étatique, celles-ci firent le choix de s’opposer aux transferts de compétences qui auraient permis à la Société de réagir efficacement en cas d’usage de la force.
Si l’inefficacité du Pacte découle des choix faits en ce sens par les Etats en position de force en 1919, l’intégration dans la Charte des Nations Unies des propositions innovantes avancées durant les négociations du Pacte (concernant l’efficacité de l’organisation, les droits de l’homme ou la justice pénale internationale) découle quant à elle du choix inverse faits par les mêmes Etats en 1945.

This article is published by invitation in a special symposium issue of the John Marshall Law Review entitled “International Law in the 21st Century: The Law and Politics of the International Criminal Court.” The article compares the International Military Tribunal (also known as the Nuremberg Tribunal) with the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (also known as the Tokyo Tribunal), the two ad hoc international war crimes tribunals the Allies established after World War II to prosecute suspected atrocity perpetrators from Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, respectively. The article examines these two tribunals’ similarities and differences, especially as they relate to the tribunals’ designs, staffs, and operations. The article concludes by suggesting that future research should consider whether and, if so, how similarities and differences between the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals affected their results, including their durations and judgments.

The last time there was this much carbon dioxide in our atmosphere was three and a half million years ago. While our planetary history evidences cyclical climatic shifts, this time injustice is the cause. The lifestyles of the wealthy few are sustained not only by increasing economic inequality but the systemic collapse of ecosystems. The richest 20 percent consumes 80 percent of the world's natural resources and generates over 90 percent of its pollution and waste. For most people, the poorer 80 percent, their grossly unequal access to natural resources is compounded by also bearing the brunt of the pollution generated by the rich.

This book aims to address ‘boat migration’ with a holistic approach. The different chapters consider the multiple facets of the phenomenon and the complex challenges they pose, bringing together knowledge from several disciplines and regions of the world within a single collection. Together, they provide an integrated picture of transnational movements of people by sea with a view to making a decisive contribution to our understanding of current trends and future perspectives and their treatment from legal-doctrinal, legal-theoretical, and non-legal angles. The final goal is to unpack the tension that exists between security concerns and individual rights in this context and identify tools and strategies to adequately manage its various components, garnering an inter-regional / multi-disciplinary dialogue, including input from international law, law of the sea, maritime security, migration and refugee studies, and human rights, to address the position of ‘migrants at sea’ thoroughly.

A tanulmány az egyes finanszírozási szerződéseket elemzi a nemzetközi és az összehasonlító jog tükrében, amelyeknek legelterjedtebb formái: (i) pénzfinanszírozás (tőkejuttatás) – hitel, kölcsön; (ii) dologi finanszírozás – lízing; (iii) követelésfinanszírozás – faktoring.

When one parent sets the youngster against the other parent for no legitimate reason, they are taking part in parental distance. This risky conduct is more typical that you might want to accept and happens in numerous Family Lawyer Houston Texas divorces, particularly those that are hostile.

Europe is currently experiencing a "refugee crisis", demonstrated by millions of displaced people unseen since World War II. This book examines the interface between the EU's response to irregular flows, in particular the main extraterritorial border and migration controls taken by the Member States, and the rights asylum seekers acquire from EU law.

"Remote control" techniques, such as the imposition of visas, fines on carriers transporting unsatisfactorily documented third-country nationals, and interception at sea are investigated in detail in a bid to assess the impact these measures have on access to asylum in the EU. The book also thoroughly analyses the rights recognised by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights to persons in need of international protection, inclusive of the principle of non-refoulement, the right to leave any country including one's own, the right to asylum, and the right to remedies and effective judicial protection.

The fundamental focus of the book is the relationship between the aforementioned border and migration controls and the rights of asylum seekers and, most importantly, how these rights (should) limit the scope of such measures and the ways in which they are implemented. The ultimate goal is to conclude whether the current series of extraterritorial mechanisms of pre-entry vetting is compatible in EU law with the EU rights of forced migrants.

In June 2016, the European Union launched its new ‘Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy’. In less unusual times, it would have been received as merely the latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action, this time with an enhanced dose of pragmatism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with the contours of ‘Brexit’ becoming clearer and the start of the Trump Presidency in the United States, the EU’s Global Strategy has acquired a whole new level of significance. This paper argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial consensus, it now needs to be recontextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends of anti-globalism and Euroscepticism. This concerns in particular its emphasis on rules-based global governance. Challenged by both President Trump ‘America First’ policy and the British government’s course for a ‘hard Brexit’, the Global Strategy represents a blueprint and rallying point for a continued pursuit of a liberal world order based on the rule of law.

Përkushtimi për të shkruar një tekst universitar për një pedagog jo vetëm që është një nderë i veçantë por, para së gjithash, detyrë dhe barrë e madhe. Është detyrë e rëndë për faktin sepse libri jo vetëm që duhet të fitojë besimin e studentëve por duhet të përmbajë garanci akademike e shkencore që t'i ndihmojë ata në mënyrë që t'i njohin dhe zbatojnë sa më mirë e sa më thellë normat juridike dhe kontraktore në sferë e rregullimit të marrëdhënieve biznesore. Duke e pasur parasysh që një numër i studentëve të cilëve u dedikohet teksti nuk janë në profilin e juristit, realizimi i tij ka qenë angazhim jashtëzakonisht i vështirë. Pa dashur që tu ngarkojë me sfidat dhe vështirësitë, punën në këtë fushë e kam konsideruar si mision në mënyrë që studentëve dhe lexuesve të interesuar t'u ofrojë informacionet themelore për natyrën juridike të kontratës, elementeve të saj dhe mundësitë e mëdha që ofrojnë ato për rregulluar marrëdhëniet biznesore mbi bazën e vullnetit të palëve.
Teksti E Drejta Kontraktore Biznesore u vihet në dispozicion studentëve të fakulteteve të ekonomisë dhe të drejtësisë që janë përcaktuar për studime më të thelluara në sferën e rregullimit të marrëdhënieve të biznesit. Angazhimi për përpilimin e këtij teksti ka filluar që në kohën kur kam qenë pedagog në ish FSHAB të Universitetit të Prishtinës. Pjesa më e madhe e njësive, tani të rishikuara, riformuluara dhe të plotësuara, në forma të ndryshme janë trajtuar edhe në tekstet universitare siç janë E Drejta në Turizëm dhe Hotelieri (2004), E drejta biznesore (2014) dhe E drejta biznesore ndërkombëtare (2015).
Në përpilimin e tekstit, duke i pasur parasysh mundësitë modeste subjektive e objektive, jam udhëhequr nga disa parime. Fillimisht, parimi më thelbësor ka qenë zbatimi i doktrinës juridike dhe kornizës legjislative vendore në këtë sferë të së drejtës. Për shkak të dedikimit të tij, jam kujdesur që përmbajtjet e librit të mos jenë abstrakte dhe i njëjti të ketë mundësi përdorimi nga juristët, ekonomistët dhe të tjerë.
Për fund, jam i ndërgjegjshëm për përgjegjësinë morale, shkencore dhe pedagogjike për rëndësinë e trajtimit të çështjeve që janë përfshirë në këtë libër. Andaj, çdo vërejtje, sugjerim apo kritikë të sinqertë e konsideroj kontribut të çmueshëm në shqyrtimin e materies që në të ardhmen në mënyrë që të kemi një tekst më të mirë e më të kompletuar dhe për këtë ju falënderohem paraprakisht.

A key focus of much scholarly attention is on the (theoretical) relationship between legal orders. The practical question I intend to answer in this article is the following: how can we know who has the final say – international, European Union (EU) or national law? I proceed in three steps. First, I critically sketch major current theories – monism and dualism, as well as global legal pluralism and global constitutionalism. However, because none of them offers a satisfactory answer to the question posed, I move to the reconceptualization stage of the theoretical relationship between legal orders. In the second step, I offer my account of how to think about the relationship between legal orders by introducing the theory of the law creators' circle (TLCC). The TLCC provides a theoretical foundation for deciding on the source of the decisive norm. It does not, however, provide a general solution which fits any norm conflict stemming from overlapping legal orders. Thus, the purpose of this article is to develop a legal theory which facilitates the understanding of the interaction between international law, EU and national law. Third, I use a doctrinal analysis to show the results of the TLCC application. For instance, in the famous Kadi saga, according to the TLCC, the EU should have either claimed that the UN Security Council was acting ultra vires or considered the UN Security Council Resolution faulty because UN human rights (instead of EU human rights) had been violated.

This whitepaper provides a legal analysis to align the 1972 World Heritage Convention and the UNESCO Constitution and its commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. It sets out recommendations for UNESCO, the World Heritage governing bodies, and States Parties to ensure properties on the World Heritage List and Tentative Lists are not sites of serious, systematic violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law.