Judaism

Westerners have long admired the nature-friendly qualities of Eastern spiritual traditions, such as ahimsa and reincarnation, which tie human beings to the circle of life that reaches across species and which requires a compassionate approach to all living beings. Yet we have often failed to acknowledge this same beauty—teachings of compassion toward allliving beings—in Western traditions.
This article examines Jewish morality with regard to nature, specifically to human
relations with nonhumans. The article focuses on creation accounts in Genesis 1 and 2, and on fundamental moral teachings such as compassion and peace. The point of the article is not so much to be critical of Judaism, but rather to reveal how much we might learn from the spiritual and moral teachings of the Jewish tradition about our place in the larger universe. Moreover, as Jewish morality from the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) remains important to Christians, this article reveals the ethical standards to which others might hold both Jews and Christians accountable in their relations to animals and the world as a whole

Cite as: “Jewish Ethics and Nonhuman Animals.” Journal of the Institute of Critical Animal Studies 5.2 (2007)

« Rendez à César ce qui est à César et à Dieu ce qui est à Dieu » : cette phrase bien connue des Évangiles s’éclaire d’un jour nouveau à mesure que se poursuivent les enquêtes historiques portant sur la fiscalité en Judée du tournant de notre ère.
Cette première synthèse complète sur la fiscalité de Judée invite à se demander si cette matière froide et technique ne serait pas, au contraire, une matière brûlante, « éveilleur de révoltes », à la fois un reflet et un condensé des complexités économiques, politiques, sociales voire théologiques ?
Quels sont les impôts prélevés ? Quels sont les moyens de paiement ? Est-il vrai que le temple de Jérusalem n’acceptait que les shekels de Tyr ? Pourquoi l’impôt romain dérangeait-il les contemporains de Jésus ? Quelle est la place des relations financières dans l’histoire politique de la Judée ? Ces questions, parmi tant d’autres, reçoivent ici une réponse à la fois à jour des découvertes les plus récentes et accessible au public spécialiste autant que curieux.

As followers of the Jewish Messiah Yeshua, the Messianic Jewish movement has the task of communicating the divinity of Messiah to the Jewish world. A popular method for recontextualizing the incarnation as a Jewish concept has been to cite ancient Jewish precedents for the idea. This historical-textual approach, as popularized by Daniel Boyarin and others, has significant benefits. However, it also ignores underlying theological and philosophical issues that make the idea of incarnation nonsensical or redundant in the eyes of religious Jewish people. In order to address the objections of religious Jewish people, the Messianic Jewish movement may need to increase its proficiency in theological and philosophical discourse. This paper outlines a second approach to explaining the deity of Messiah, called the Theological-Philosophical approach.

Introduzione Nel percorso storico insegnato a scuola e nella sua trasposizione da manua-le, il popolo ebraico viene menzionato a più riprese, ma sempre in maniera occasionale e senza una reale prospettiva storica. In realtà gli ebrei attraversano la storia generale mondiale con continui-tà: proprio la dimensione a-territoriale di questo popolo, evidenziata dalla diaspora, ma già presente fin dal periodo antico (quello grosso modo cor-rispondente alle vicende bibliche), fa sì che essi nel corso dei secoli attra-versino la storia di altri popoli incrociando momenti-chiave della storia mondiale. Una ricostruzione storica solida e coerente potrebbe contribuire a legge-re alcune caratteristiche che connotano il popolo ebraico: gli intrecci tra identità etnica, religiosa, geografica, culturale, per esempio, ne fanno un interessante modello per analizzare il concetto di popolo e quello di na-zione. Inoltre, si tratta di un popolo in movimento: le vicende degli ebrei dall'epoca antica a quella contemporanea si prestano a leggere la storia degli uomini come una storia di mobilità e di cammino. Proporre un repertorio sulla storia generale degli ebrei dalle origini al ven-tesimo secolo ha una doppia motivazione: da un lato viene incontro a una esigenza didattica riconosciuta, legata al processo di trasposizione. Il do-cente, infatti, nel momento in cui si trova a selezionare, didattizzare e li-nearizzare i contenuti storici nella sua progettazione, deve avvicinarsi al sapere sapiente, dominarlo e interpretarlo e, quindi, trasformarlo in sapere da insegnare per i suoi studenti senza incorrere in eccessive banalizzazioni e semplificazioni. Repertori ragionati già pronti possono facilitare tale opera-zione complessa e non banale, consentendo nello stesso tempo di accedere

Over the past fifty years, archaeological excavations in Israel have unearthed about half a dozen ancient synagogues that were in use at different points in time between the first century BCE through the outbreak of the Bar-Kochba rebellion early in the second century of the Common Era.  In close proximity to each of these synagogues, a mikveh (ritual bath) has been discovered.  In contrast, no mikvaot have been discovered adjacent to any of the dozens of later synagogues that have been excavated and studied, with only one or two possible exceptions. 
At this point it is impossible to determine exactly when mikvaot ceased to be built in connection with synagogues, as the archaeological record reports very little about synagogues of the late second - early third century CE.  From an archaeological perspective, it is clear that at least from the second half of the third century, synagogues began to be built without regard for proximity to mikvaot.
Talmudic sources make no mention of a requirement to build mikvaot adjacent to synagogues. To date, no satisfactory explanation has been given for the evident connection between the synagogue and the mikveh in the early period, and the disappearance of such a connection in later periods of synagogue history. The objective of this paper is to present and explore a possible interpretation of this puzzling phenomenon.
  During the Second Temple and Mishnaic Periods, a rabbinical enactment was in effect requiring mikveh ablutions prior to engagement in Torah study and prayer for individuals who had experienced seminal emission. Careful study of the Talmudic sources reveals that this enactment was nullified early in the Amoraic Period, sometime during the second quarter of the third century CE.
It would appear that the mikvaot built adjacent to the earlier synagogues were intended for this precise function, serving visitors to the synagogue who required ritual ablutions prior to Torah study and prayer.  Once the rabbinical enactment regarding these ablutions was nullified, there was no longer need for such mikvaot, and hence the absence of mikvaot in proximity to the later synagogues.

Large-scale expulsions of the Jews in the Middle Ages and the early modern period may be seen as a continuum shaped by exile, migration and new settlement. 1 In this paper I do not discuss the much-debated issues related to the " why " and the " how " of expulsion and exile. Rather, I examine the various ways contemporary actors and modern historians have perceived and conceptualized the exile that followed the 1492 expulsion from Spain. Salonika's Sephardic community was largely formed by Jews and conver-sos, expelled from Spain and Portugal, who had arrived at the Ottoman city through consecutive waves of migration in the late 15th and during the 16th centuries. 2 In what follows I revisit both the Jewish chronicles of expulsion and the historiography of the Jews of Salonika. I attempt to decipher the ways in which the concept of exile interweaves with the refugees' and historians' understanding of exile. In the first part of the paper I clarify the medieval concepts related to migration and exile and discuss the assumptions that underpin the master narratives of modern historiography. In the second part, I focus on the 16th-century Jewish accounts of the expulsion and comment on some loci of the " foundational histories " of the Jews of Salonika.

[To appear in the CCAR Journal, Spring 2020] The inherent tension between Reform theology and halakhah is as foundational as it is enduring.  At the outset, early Reformers in Europe such as Abraham Geiger (1810-1874) focused less on the project of developing an evolving Reform halakhah and more on what they saw as the necessary transformations of Jewish life and prayer precisely because Jewish law had failed to allow for these transformations. While halakhic considerations --as well as the accompanying political and sociological considerations-- were certainly part of their thinking about the transformation of Judaism that these Reform thinkers led, they focused more on the philosophy of Judaism that would provide the foundation for it.  At its core, Reform Judaism sought the re-framing of Jewish life not by creating a new halakhah but, rather, primarily through the development of a new theology –through prayer and practice-- for a Judaism that could thrive in the modern world. ...Although later thinkers inherited the texts of rationalists of early Reform thought some mid-twentieth century American Reform thinkers, attracted to the existentialism of Buber and Rosenzweig, began once again to consider the place of God and halakhah in Jewish thought. However, for the most part, leaders of the Reform movement retained a primary focus on the adaptation of Judaism to modern life in America as the fulfillment of their Jewish duty and wanted it to allow them to be fully American.....

"This book is the first-ever monograph on the family of royal converts from Adiabene including the broader perspective of the cultural and political environment of Hellenistic and Parthian Adiabene. It collects, arranges and discusses all available sources on the topic.
The study consists of three parts. Part 1 (chapters 1-5) is devoted to the longest ancient account on the Adiabene royalty from all ancient literature – Josephus, Ant. 20:17-96 (“the Adiabene Narrative”). It examines the Adiabene narrative as Josephus’ conscious literary product with all its rhetorical features and ideological agendas.
Part 2 (chapters 6-7) deals with other sources about the family of royal converts from Adiabene. Chapter 6 is devoted to Rabbinic traditions about Queen Helena and King Munbaz. Chapter 7 discusses all Jewish and non-Jewish literary sources which refer to the resting place of Queen Helena and to the palaces of the Adiabene royalty in Jerusalem, what is more, it also provides an updated discussion of relevant archaeological sites in Jerusalem (Le Tombeau des Rois and the Givati Parking Lot).
Part 3 (chapters 8-13) presents the material and political environment of Adiabene from the third century BCE to the third century CE. It discusses all available kinds of sources: geographical and ethnographical texts (chapter 8), archaeological sites (chapter 9), epigraphic and numismatic material (chapter 10), as well as onomastic evidence (chapter 11). Furthermore, chapter 12 provides a basic chronology of the Adiabene royalty in the Hellenistic and Parthian periods, and chapter 13 presents the political environment of Adiabene and Judea in the context of the international relations between Rome and Parthia."
P.S.
So far reviewed by K. Atkinson, Biblica 96 (2015) 635-638; D.M. Jacobson, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 147 (2015) 169-170; E. Kettenhofen, Anabasis. Studia Classica et Orientalia 6 (2015) 297-307; E. Lipiński, Polish Journal of Biblical Research 14 (2015) 201-207;  D.M. Downing, Journal of American Oriental Studies 137 (2017) 428-430; E. Nodet, Revue Biblique 122-124 (2015) 634-635; K. Berthelot, Syria 94 (2017) 415-416; J.-S. Caillou, L’Antiquité Classique 86 (2017) 517-519.

Abstract
Ephrem the Syrian was well known as a teacher and hymnist of the fourth century Syriac-speaking church.  He produced hymns and commentaries on the Bible and numerous other topics, many of which have survived and demonstrate exegetical acquaintance with Jewish traditions. For example, throughout his commentaries he uses qal vehomer (a fortiori) arguments, his treatment of Genesis appeals to Jewish traditions about Paradise, and he identifies Sarah with Iscah, her name in the Midrash: Sifre to Numbers.  Aggadic traditions from the Targumim and Midrashim also abound in Ephrem’s Commentary of Exodus, which he calls a tûrgāmâ, an “explanation.”  Motifs developed in the Mekilta and Sifre to Numbers (both redacted 250-300 C.E.) and in the Targumim appear in Ephrem’s interpretation of Exodus.
Although difficult to ascertain whether these are the result of encounters with Jewish teachers and/or Jewish texts, or if they emerged from comparable modes of interpretation between Jews and Christians of Syria, it is clear that Ephrem deliberately adopted Jewish traditions that were useful to his agendas. Ephrem also innovates, presenting exegetical elements in his Commentary on Exodus not represented in Jewish Midrashim or Targumim. For example, when “Sephora” circumcised her son, she claimed that the commandment of circumcision should be sufficient reason for Moses’ release. An appeal to the power of the commandment of circumcision is similar to the emphasis of the Mekilta and Palestinian Targumim. When Ephrem’s Moses could speak, he defended his practice of sexual continence to Zipporah—he must “sanctify” himself for God who is visible to him all the time. Finding Moses’ sexual renunciation in Exod 4.24-6 and basing it on the visibility of God is Ephrem’s innovation. 
Furthermore, a study of Ephrem on this passage and the parallels with Jewish texts shows that Judaism included ascetic elements, some of which were explicitly based on the passages in the Jewish Scriptures that imply that sex and manifestations of God are incompatible (Exod 19.15 and 1 Sam 21.4). These Jewish texts and the cultures they represent may help explain the Syrian equation of sexual continence with purity, preparation, and consecration, i.e., holiness. Certain Qumran texts,  the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Philo, rabbinic Midrashim, and  writings of eastern Christians further demonstrate that early Christian celibacy was grounded in Jewish traditions.  The Neo-Platonic dualism that became popular among western Christians of the fourth and fifth centuries cannot be considered the source for influencing later Christianity with the celibate ideal.

This article presents the Masonic career of a kabbalistic lithograph in the United States in the middle of the 19th century, against the background of a sectarian debate that concerned the religious character of Freemasonry. In their struggle for equality, Jewish Freemasons took advantage of the Solomonic heritage of Masonic mythology and advocated a Jewish origin for the fraternity, in which Kabbalah assumed a role of providing esoteric underpinnings for this narrative. The article shows that within the wider historical framework of Jewish-Christian relations, the kabbalistic lithograph became a tool in the hands of Jewish Freemasons in a Masonic sectarian debate.

This article gives a panoramic picture of Rabbi Yossef Messas' (1892-1974) approach of Kabbalah as a source of law. The article illustrates his doctrine of separation between Halakha and Kabbalah and proves that despite the central place of Kabbala in Morocco, some halakhic authorities attempted to limit its influence on the halakhic discourse, even in the first half of the 20th century.

In the book we argue that 2 Cor 10, although presenting strong characteristics of polemical discourse, actually sets in motion a self-praise speech with a pedagogical, not defensive purpose. The chapter in question serves as a programmatic introduction to the Pauline boasting developed in chapters 11–13. Applying rhetorical analysis, we show that 2 Cor 10 contains an exordium (10,1-6) and a propositio for the entire speech (10,7-8); we further identify by this analysis the criteria crucial for legitimate apostolic boasting (10,12-18). The main problem of 2 Cor 10–13 expressed in the propositio (10,7-8) regards Paul’s claim to be a true servant of Christ and to have the right to boast about it. This problem is strictly connected with the accusations of the opponents which point at his weakness and ineffectiveness in dealing with the community’s problems.

Thus, 2 Cor 10 sets the stage for all of 2 Cor 10–13. This chapter is the key to a proper understanding of the rhetorical stasis of the entire speech elucidated from the Pauline inventio and dispositio. Paul’s use of the periautologia, metaphor, and irony reveals the strong position of the Apostle in Corinth but also points out the fatal infatuation the Corinthians have with newcomers. The causa of Paul ultimately revolves around the status qualitatis: he proves he is strong enough to be the leader in Corinth and paradoxically demonstrates that weakness should belong to the identity of apostle.  Such a reading of the rhetorical stasis introduces two problematic issues begun in 2 Cor 10 and continued in Cor 11–13: the relationship between power and weakness and the legitimacy of Pauline boasting. Paul’s approach to weakness in 2 Cor 10–13 challenges the standards on which the evaluation of true apostleship is made. Contemporaneously, he also recognizes infirmity as an integral part of his apostolic identity. Christ himself is the only model that enables Paul to subvert worldly standards of judgment and claim weakness as an integral part of his apostolic mission (13,3-4). Subsequently, 2 Cor 10 is crucial to understanding the legitimacy of Paul’s boast developed throughout all of 2 Cor 10 – 13. The thesis (10,7-8) and its argumentation (10,12-18) elaborate the exterior criteria of such boast including a divine call (status qualitatis) and apostolic praxis (performance), as well as the supreme rule saying that all credit for apostolic achievements should be given to the Lord (i.e. boasting en kyriô 10,17). Paul successfully responds to the first two imperatives of boasting. Problems, however, arise when he comes to the last criterion, namely, boasting in the Lord (en kyriô). The ego-centric boast based additionally on the comparison mentioned for the first time in 10,12 is the one that Paul fears and abhors and calls foolish, but he is forced, nevertheless, to undertake it for the sake of his spiritual children. The tool that ultimately enables him to transform self-aggrandizing speech into speech that is focused on Christ is his paradoxical boasting of weakness. It is being prepared in the pivotal section 11,30-33 (the entirety of 11,1-29 should be read as boasting of the apostolic achievements) and reaches its climax in 12,9-10. The careful crafting of the discourse based on Christological principles and meant for the edification of the community (10,8; 12,19; 13,10) ultimately speaks against qualifying it as a parody of the opponents’ boasting.

The following article is an excerpt from a chapter of our forthcoming book: The Shpoler Zeida – The Life, Legends, and Descendants of the Grandfather of Shpola. The chapter is entitled: "Mysteries of the Shpoler Zeida Family." This article focuses on the Beletsky family (including the Bell, Bruskin, Gellard, Goldberg, and Polis branches), who claims descent from the Shpoler Zeida. The mystery involves how their earliest known Beletsky ancestor, Leiba Biletsky (1782–1846), and his wife, Risya (1789–bef. 1848), are connected to the Shpoler Zeida.  We present what is known about the Beletsky family’s lineage and reconstruct their line of descent to the extent possible, in the hope that making this information more widely available will result in a key piece of evidence being discovered which will help bridge the gap in their line of descent from the Shpoler Zeida.

DNA and other evidence suggests the early history of the Hebrew Old Testament concerns two entirely separate people united by monotheism and military conquest. The first, taking the name of Israelites from Israel (Jacob), the grandson of the Patriarch Jacob, had a brief stay in the Egyptian Eastern Delta before falling out of favour and eventually fleeing to West Arabia in the chaos of Bronze Age collapse ca.1200 BC. There they were overwhelmed in a lengthy campaign by a black Nubian Cushitic-speaking people called the Hebrew, recently converted to the cult of YHWH. The two peoples intermarried but the Nubian priesthood dominated thereafter and eventually reinvented itself as part of the Semitic Abrahamic tradition. Cut off through Babylonian exile from its gene pool in West Arabia, the Nubian high priesthood identified the present-day area of Israel and Palestine as the Promised Land of Moses and portrayed themselves as a special Middle East people who had escaped slavery in the Delta, not as a black Nubian enslaved gold mining force that had fled to Yemen during a time of ecological disaster characterised by severe earthquake and volcanic activity.

Inanna is typically the waning out of the feminine spirituality of Pre-Ice-Age Homo Sapiens to the masculine spirituality of Neolithic time. We are dealing with Sumerian mythology and it is the matrix of at least two Semitic religions, Judaism and Christianity.

Inanna is the last omnipotent goddess and she is becoming a triple goddess, the merging of three divine principles into one, which Greek mythology and other European mythologies will do whereas Christianity invest this ternary pattern directly in the trinity of the omnipotent and omniscient god.

That shift corresponds to the social development from the hunting and gathering ancient prehistoric society to the agricultural and pastoral society that completely changed the position of women.

This article investigates a little known ethnic group known as Mountain Jews located in the Republic of Dagestan. In particular the following aspects of the matter will be considered: (1) the traditional division of world Jewry; (2) the theory of the lost tribes within the diverse Jewish civilization; (3) the origins and historical background of the Mountain Jews during the Russian Empire, WWII and the Soviet Era; (4) Cultural aspects of Jewish emigration from the Caucasus.

Abraham Abulafia (1240–1290) is considered to be one of the most significant Jewish mystics and is one of the few who taught a comprehensive system of meditative practices designed to induce ecstatic religious experiences. At the heart of Abulafia’s meditation techniques lies the coordination of breath and body while pronouncing the Hebrew letters of the Name of God. Specifically, Abulafia instructs the practitioner to empty and stop the breath, paralleling a technical breathing practice in Yogic Pranayama called “Kumbhaka”. The Islamic polymath Al-Biruni’s (973–1048) Arabic translation of Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras is proposed as one possible transmission vector for this Yoga technique across radically different cultures and geographies into Abulafia’s method, which then profoundly influenced major Jewish personalities down to our day.

ר' יואל טייטלבוים – הרבי מסאטמר – היה אחד הרבנים הידועים והמשפיעים ביותר בעולם היהודי, ואף מעבר לו, בתקופה שלאחר השואה. הוא הצליח להקים את אחת החצרות החסידיות הגדולות ביותר דווקא בארצות הברית, מדינה שבה המודרנה, החופש האישי והמתירנות המינית היוו את ההפך המוחלט של השמרנות החסידית המסורתית. אחת הסיבות להצלחתו המפתיעה הייתה כי בניגוד למרבית הרבנים בני דורו, אימץ ר' יואל השקפה אנטי-ציונית קיצונית שהאשימה בגלוי את הציונות באחריות לפרוץ השואה ולתוצאותיה החמורות. לדבריו, חטא הציונות, המהווה כפירה בבורא עולם, היה כה חמור, עד כי לאל לא נותרה כל ברירה מלבד להעניש את עמו בעונש החמור ביותר – השואה.
מאמר זה יבחן את ההשערה לפיה השקפותיו האנטי-ציוניות של ר' יואל, ובמיוחד אלו הנוגעות להאשמת הציונות באחריות לשואה, הושפעו מן הצעדים, ההחלטות והאירועים אותן עשה או חווה בתקופת מלחמת העולם השנייה ומן הצורך להסביר אותן לחסידיו. חלקו הראשון של המאמר ידון בחייו הפרטיים ובפעילותו הציבורית של ר' יואל בין השנים 1937—1945 כפי שבאו לידי ביטוי בביוגרפיות שנכתבו אודותיו, בעיתונות התקופה ובמסמכים ארכיוניים. החלק השני יסקור את הביקורת על התנהלותו המפוקפקת, הן ברמה האישית והן ברמה הציבורית, ובסופו תוצגנה הדרכים השונות בהן ניסו ר' יואל עצמו, ובעקבותיו גם כותבי תולדותיו, לטשטש, להצדיק ולתרץ בדיעבד את מעשיו השנויים במחלוקת בתקופה קשה זו.

The evidence for a history of Mandaeism during the period of Late Antiquity (3rd–8th c. CE) and its evolution as a religious tradition prior to and immediately following the advent of Islam is surveyed. This evidence includes the Mandaean manuscript tradition, the testimony of outside witnesses, and the corpus of incantation texts from Late Antique Mesopotamia. It is noted that the study of this evidence has typically been subsumed under the study of related traditions, and that it could benefit from a reassessment. The issues addressed include Mandaeism’s relationship to other religions, such as Judaism, Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Manichaeism, the antiquity and authenticity of its traditions, and the extent of Islamic influence upon them.

סיפורה של חסידות קרלין, אחת החסידויות הראשונות, הוא מן המרתקים בתולדות החסידות. חסידות זו שמה דגש על עבודת ה' ברגש ובגוף, על האמת, על הענווה ועל התנגדות ליומרנות אינטלקטואלית. היא הייתה הראשונה שהעמידה בראשה 'ינוקא', בן של צדיק בעודנו ילד, ואף חזרה על תקדים זה כעבור כמה דורות. היא עודדה עלייה לארץ ישראל שנים לפני הציונות ואף תמכה בהגירה ממזרח אירופה לאמריקה זמן רב לפני מלחמת העולם  שנייה, בניגוד לעמדתם של רוב רבני התקופה. משפחת אדמו"ריה כמעט שנכחדה בשואה, אך היא הצליחה להמשיך ולהתקיים ושרדה התפלגויות ומתחים. צאצאים של חסידי קרלין נטלו ונוטלים חלק פעיל בצדדים מגוונים של חיי  יישוב והמדינה, והיא עצמה, על ארבעת פלגיה, ממשיכה לקיים חיי דת תוססים בישראל ובעולם.
כספינה מיטלטלת: חסידות קרלין בין עליות למשברים הוא מחקר רחב יריעה ראשון על חסידות זו. אף שהאדמו"רים עומדים במרכז הדיון, הספר מאיר גם את דמויותיהן של הנפשות הפועלות מסביבם: נשותיהם, בני משפחתם,  פעילים והעסקנים. הספר משלב עיון מחקרי ותיאור סיפורי ומציג ניתוח מעמיק של אמונות וערכים לצד התנהגויות אנושיות, אישיות וחברתיות. עלילתה של חסידות קרלין ראשיתה במאה השמונה עשרה ואחריתה בימינו אלה, תחילת המאה העשרים ואחת.

O Israel antigo teve por fundamentação a religião de Yahweh. A crença no Deus da Confederação e na Aliança deu origem ao povo que hoje conhecemos como judeus. A religião de Yahweh trouxe para a sociedade de então uma grande revolução, o pensamento de um único Deus universal. Este pensamento deu origem a uma mudança na forma de organização da religião e do cotidiano religioso. Em uma época e sociedade regidas pelo compasso da vida religiosa, esta mudança altera toda a forma de organização da comunidade. Mas, a formação de uma nação envolve muitos outros elementos além do religioso. A relação com seu entorno, os modos de produção, a assimilação cultural, a adesão de novos membros na sociedade, são estruturas que compõem o quadro a ser construído. Este estudo engloba estas questões em uma jornada em busca de melhor compreender o processo de formação da história de Israel. Abstract. Ancient Israel had in the religion of Yahweh its fundamental basis.The belief in Confederation's God and the Alliance originated the people we know as Jews. The religion of Yahweh brought to society a great revolution: the thought of a single universal God. This thinking has led to a change in religion's organizational form and it's daily life. In an age and society governed by the compass of religious life, this change alters all forms of community organization. Besides Religion, the formation of a nation involves many other elements. The relationship with their environment, production methods, cultural assimilation, the acceptance of new members, are structures that make up the framework to be built. This study covers these issues in a quest to better understand the formation process of Israel's history.

Biblical Prophecies: Section C - Reconciliation, Return and Redemption:

In this research section we will venture into the actuality how HaShem married the 12 Tribes, divorced 10 Tribes due to her unfaithfulness, chased them out of His house the Promised Land, and how He will remarry the 10 Tribes again according to prophecy.

Judah was never divorced by HaShem and is still legally married to Him, thus making them His wife. The 10 Tribes must be remarried and is therefore the bride who must accept the Original Ketubah – the Torah.

Judah was ordained by HaShem to be the Mechoqeck, and the New Testament support this view that the 10 Tribes must learn Torah from Judah. Yeshua in the New Testament reinforces this.

Torah forbids a whoring wife to get married again and this research gives a possible solution to the dilemma.

The headings in this part cover the following areas:

1) Are the 'Jews' and 'Israel' by Definition Synonymous?
2) The Ancient Gentile People’s Way of Redemption.
3) The Intricate Plan for Our Redemption Ordained Before the Creation.
4) Abraham the Point of Departure for the 'Marriage' Plan.
5) HaShem Brought His Bride From Out of Egypt and Proposed to Her.
6) Israel then Chose Harlotry and Turned their Backs on HaShem.
7) HaShem Eventually Ran Out of Patience and Divorced Israel.
8) Israel and Judah in an Allegorical Account in Hosea’s Life.
9) Chronological Order Summary of HaShem’s Mysterious Plan.
10) HaShem Promised that He will Remarry the House of Israel – Ten Israel.
11) Can HaShem Violate His Own Rules and Instructions in the Torah?
12) What Is the Mechoqeck Rabbis’ Verdict to Deal With an Adulterous Woman?
13) What Do the Mechoqeck Rabbis Say Concerning Remarriage of an Adulterous Woman?
14) Does the Bible Encourage a Person to Be Single – a Divorcee?
15) How Will HaShem Remarry Divorced Ten Israel?
16) Is there an Answer to this Mysterious Mystery Locked Away for Ages?
17) Is This Mystery Hidden for Ages?
18) The Spanner in the Works.
19) HaShem Encoded the Two-House Message Throughout Scripture.
20) The Two Pictures of the Messiah in the TaNaCh?
21) Conclusion

Focusing on many previously untranslated articles in popular national magazines and newspapers, as well as works by prominent racial theorists, this chapter traces how outrage was systematically fomented against Jews in Nazi-era Germany, creating perceived imperatives for drastic discriminatory measures. Rather than locate the core of Nazi antisemitism in historical or psychological factors, this study approaches antisemitism using the theoretical framework of risk communication. The heuristics of risk perception reveal an array of rhetorical tactics that fomented visceral aversion impervious to logical refutation. Portrayals of Jews as embodying maximal and uncontrollable risk, political, academic, and mass media discourse converged on the theme of Jews as posing unacceptable dangers that required progressively more drastic measures to control. The principles of risk communication, especially the means of inflaming outrage, could furnish useful interpretive frames for analyzing current antisemitism and other types of repressive discourse.