Justinian I, Emperor

This article offers a survey of scholarship on the historian Procopius of Caesarea in the last eleven years (2003-2014). It reviews his origins and upbringing in Caesarea in Palestine before moving on to consider his portrayal of the reign of Justinian (527-565); it argues that his accounts of Justinian’s rule remain central to modern assessments of the period. But because his works have survived in their entirety and because Justinian’s reign has attracted so much attention, there is a danger that both historian and ruler may distort our picture of the sixth-century empire: neither Procopius nor Justinian may have been as exceptional as is often thought. And while the sixth century did witness a general rise in intolerance of heretics and pagans, it may be that Justinian was reacting to a general tendency in society rather than leading the charge. The article concludes by discussing Procopius’ three works and recent publications devoted to them, noting that scholarship has sometimes suffered as a consequence of an unawareness of research being carried out simultaneously by other scholars.

In 538, at the peak of his imperial achievement, Justinian introduced an impressive
coinage of unusual size and weight. Based on the evidence of hoards and single finds from the Balkans, Asia Minor and the Near East, the economic implications of Justinian’s heavy series (538-542) appear in a new light. Its prolonged circulation and important percentage among finds from the Balkans, in particular, changes our understanding of the role played by this coinage during the sixth century and adds new dimensions to the fiduciary nature of the early Byzantine bronze coinage.

The article analyses the data concerning the last years of the reign of Anastasius I (491-518) and the transition of power to pro-Chalcedonian elite in the Roman Empire. The article consists of three parts: 1. The Chalcedonians in the last years of Anastasius' reign; 2. The final transition of power to the Orthodox (Chalcedonians). The Emperor Justin; 3. The overturn of the ecclesiastical policy in favour of the Orthodoxy.

Статья посвящена проблеме взаимодействия варварских королевств Италии и Византии во второй половине V — первой половине VI в. Автор статьи рассматривает роль римской сенаторской аристократии в дипломатическом общении западных правителей с византийским императором, вызванном как политической необходимостью, так и религиозными разногласиями в христианской церкви. Инициатива отправки в Константинополь сенаторских посольств исходила от светских и церковных властей. Используя компаративный и историко-антропологический подходы, автор статьи анализирует цели и результаты пребывания римских сенаторов в Константинополе, а также причины, побудившие королей Одоакра и Теодориха привлекать аристократов к участию в посольствах. Исследование опирается на сообщения Прокопия Кесарийского, Liber Pontificalis, Anonymus Valesianus, а также письма римских пап. Делается вывод о том, что сенаторские поездки на Восток в изучаемый период приобрели особое значение в связи с обострением церковных противоречий. Обсуждение на дипломатическом уровне религиозных вопросов заставляло проводить более тщательный отбор претендентов на роль представителей Запада на переговорах с императором. Послы времени правления королей Одоакра и Теодориха обладали высоким социальным статусом (титулами патриция, caput senatus и рангом vir inlusrtis), который признавался и на международной арене. Автор высказывает мнение, что решающими факторами при назначении сенаторов в качестве посланников Запада были, наряду с происхождением, их дипломатические способности, образованность и риторическая подготовка, которые давали им преимущество перед незнатными государственными и церковными служащими. Дополнительным аргументом для варварских королей выступала принадлежность римских нобилей к христианству в католическом исповедании.
This article concerns the interaction of the barbarian kingdoms of Italy and Constantinople between the second half of the 5th and first half of the 6th centuries. The author of the article considers the role of the Roman senatorial aristocracy in the diplomatic communication of Western rulers with the Byzantine emperor caused by both political necessity and religious differences in the Christian Church. The initiative to send senatorial embassies to Constantinople came from the secular and ecclesiastical authorities. Using the comparative and historical and anthropological approaches, the author of the article analyses the goals and results of the Roman senators’ stay in Constantinople, as well as the reasons that prompted the reges Odoacer and Theodoric to involve aristocrats in embassies. The study is based on reports by Procopius of Caesarea, Liber Pontificalis, Anonymus Valesianus, as well as letters from the Popes. The author concludes that senatorial trips to the East during the period in question acquired special significance in connection with the aggravation of church contradictions. Discussion at the diplomatic level of religious issues led to a more thorough selection of applicants for the role of representatives of the West in negotiations with the emperor. The ambassadors under kings Odoacer and Theodorich had a high social status (titles of patricius, caput senatus, and rank of vir inlustris), which was also recognized on the international stage. The author puts forward an idea that the decisive factors in the appointment of senators as envoys of the West were, along with their origin, their diplomatic abilities, education, and rhetorical training, which gave them an advantage over the non-noble officeholders and church officials. An additional argument for the barbarian kings was the fact that Roman nobles were Catholics.

The Greek text of the famous late Roman compendium of the classic art of war, the Strategikon of Pseudo-Maurice, can be divided into different chronological layers, dated from the fifth to the seventh centuries. The basis for this division is the analysis of textual unity, of inner citation, of the described strategic and tactical schemes and used terms. The main three phases of the development of the text coincide with the three great military reforms – introduction of the Hunnic mobile cavalry tactics of "hippotoxotae" (the so-called defensors and cursors), the secret “hyperkerastae” reform of Justinian’s brother Germanus, and the reform according to the Avarian scheme of time of the emperor Heraklios. All three reforms are based on the deep contemplation of the ethnographical data gathered by imperial intelligence services.

The construction of Justinian's Hagia Sophia was one of the most important events for the inhabitants of Constantinople in the sixth century. The building process and the appearance of the church were described by three authors from the age of Justinian: Romanos the Melodist in the kontakion On Earthquakes and Fires, Paul the Silentiary in Ekphrasis, and Procopius of Caesarea in The Buildings. The article presents the analysis and the interpretation of these sources in the context of the political history and the contemporary events. The texts have been researched with the use of philological and historical methods in quest for conceptions of the process and the significance of the construction of the church inserted in them. On the grounds of them there is shown that the sources present the similar conception creating a sort of political theology and containing a spiritual interpretation of the building of the church. The construction of the church was regarded as the realization of God's plan for the inhabitants of Constantinople. It was the emperor who played the main role in this plan. The building of the church was the seal of the conversion of the Christians and of the return to the covenant with God. The beauty of Hagia Sophia induces people to the faith and helps them to get closer to God.

Budowa justyniańskiej Hagii Sophii była dla mieszkańców Konstantynopola w VI w. jednym z najważniejszych wydarzeń. Proces powstawania świątyni oraz jej wygląd opisało trzech twórców z czasów Justyniana: Roman Melodos w kontakionie O trzęsieniach ziemi i pożarach, Paweł Silencjariusz w Ekphrasis oraz Prokopiusz z Cezarei w O budowlach. Artykuł przed-stawia analizę i interpretację tych źródeł w kontekście historii politycznej i bieżących wydarzeń. Teksty zostały poddane badaniom filologicznym i historycznym pod kątem zawartych w nich wizji procesu i znaczenia budowy kościoła. Na ich podstawie zostaje wykazane, że źródła prezentują podobną koncepcję, tworzącą rodzaj teologii politycznej oraz zawiera-jącą duchową interpretację budynku kościoła. Budowę świątyni postrzegano jako realizację Bożego planu wobec ludności Konstantynopola, w którym główną rolę odgrywa cesarz Justynian. Budynek kościoła jest przypieczętowaniem nawrócenia chrześcijan i powrotu do przymierza z Bogiem. Piękno Hagii Sophii pobudza wiernych do wiary i pomaga im w zbliżeniu do Boga.

The paper aims at presenting and analyzing the information about Emperor Justinian I derived from selected historical works (histories and chronicles) by writers of the early medieval Latin West from the late 6th to the 11th centuries. The intention is to examine what the writers have to say about Justinian in their respective narratives and to define what image of the emperor they created from the sources at their disposal and consequently wanted to convey to their respective audiences and posterity. An effort is also made to discern the writers’ method with handling the sources from which they extracted the information about
Justinian for their own respective accounts of the past, see what interested them most and determine the possible reasons why they included or excluded certain type of information. With regard to that, it is also explored if and to what extent the later writers simply took the
information verbatim from the earlier writers, only perpetuating the image already created by their predecessor(s).

Η Ἔκθεσις Κεφαλαίων Παραινετικῶν είναι το μοναδικό κείμενο που μας κληροδότησε η γραφίδα του Αγαπητού Διακόνου. Το έργο αυτό, αποδέκτης του οποίου ήταν ο αυτοκράτωρ Ιουστινιανός Α΄ (527-565), γνώρισε πολύ μεγάλη διάδοση ήδη κατά τους βυζαντινούς χρόνους, αξιοποιήθηκε από την εποχή της Αναγέννησης ως εγχειρίδιο για τη διδασκαλία της ελληνικής γλώσσας στη Δύση και στις παραδουνάβιες ηγεμονίες, μεταφράστηκε σε πλήθος γλωσσών (βουλγαρική, λατινική, εκκλησιαστική σλαβονική, αγγλική, γαλλική, γερμανική κ.ά.) και επηρέασε περισσότερο από κάθε άλλο βυζαντινό κείμενο τον πολιτικό στοχασμό των λαών, οι οποίοι ήρθαν σε επαφή με τη Βυζαντινή Αυτοκρατορία. Το ευσύνοπτο αυτό πόνημα αποκαλύπτει με ενάργεια τις θεμελιώδεις αρχές της πολιτικής σκέψης των Βυζαντινών κατά τον 6ο αιώνα αναφορικά με τις αρετές του ιδανικού ηγεμόνος και με τον ιδεατό τρόπο άσκησης της βασιλικής εξουσίας.
Ο παρών τόμος περιλαμβάνει το πρωτότυπο κείμενο της Ἐκθέσεως Κεφαλαίων Παραινετικῶν και την πρώτη απόδοση του έργου στη Νεοελληνική γλώσσα. Με την εισαγωγή και τα εκτενή ερμηνευτικά σχόλια που συνοδεύουν το κείμενο, το πόνημα του Αγαπητού Διακόνου εντάσσεται πλήρως στο ιστορικό και πολιτικό πλαίσιο της εποχής του, το ζήτημα της χρονολόγησης του έργου εξετάζεται υπό νέο πρίσμα και η διαχρονική αξία του κειμένου καθίσταται προφανής.
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Ce mémoire de master propose de se pencher sur la reconquête romaine de l'île, sous autorité ostrogothique depuis 493,  en s'attardant sur le processus d'intégration territoriale qu'elle a connu sur les plans géopolitiques, administratifs, culturels.

ДИГЕСТИ Римскиот цар Јустинијан I (527-565 г.) бил еден од најенергичните владетели, кој се покажал амбициозен во повеќе области. Но едно од неговите најзначајни достигнувања, со кое се зафаќа набргу штом доаѓа на власт, се однесува на систематското реконструирање и консолидирање на римското право, како и трансформирање на правното образование. Тој зафат претставувал долготрајната работа на правниците, а како резултат бил издаден првиот кодекс, кој подоцна (во XVI век) го добил името Збирката на граѓанско право (Corpus iuris civilis). Дигести е само еден дел од Збирката на граѓанско право, но можеби најзначајниот и секако најобемниот, кој се содржи од педесет книги. Во оваа книга насловена Дигести се опфатени книга 23 и 24, односно оние книги во кои директно се обработува брачното право. Според тоа, содржината на оваа книга претставува првичен извор за изучување не само на бракот и брачното право во антиката, туку и на правната положба на жените во антиката.

The Patria is a fascinating four-book collection of short historical notes, stories, and legends about the buildings and monuments of Constantinople, compiled in the late tenth century by an anonymous author who made ample use of older sources. It also describes the foundation and early (pre-Byzantine) history of the city, and includes the Narrative on the Construction of Hagia Sophia, a semi-legendary account of Emperor Justinian I’s patronage of this extraordinary church (built between 532 and 537). The Patria constitutes a unique record of popular traditions about the city, especially its pagan statues, held by its medieval inhabitants. At the same time it is the only Medieval Greek text to present a panorama of the city as it existed in the middle Byzantine period. Despite its problems of historical reliability, the Patria is still one of our main guides for the urban history of medieval Constantinople. This translation makes the entire text of the Patria accessible in English for the first time.

In this study, the Eternal Peace Agreement of 532, the first diplomatic relation of the Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian with the Sassanid Emperor Chosroes Anushirvan, which shaped the political history of the sixth century, is analysed. This agreement was signed between the Eastern Roman and Sassanid empires for the first time, without specifying anytime, and it was re- ferred to as the Eternal Peace Agreement in the sixth century sources. The agreement was reported by Proco- pius of Caesarea and by Malalas, and is also document- ed from an inscription found in the city of Hierapolis in Syria. The inscription informs that after the war that lasted thirty years, peace was established and a payment was made to the Sassanids. The Eternal Peace Agree- ment only lasted between the two empires for less than eight years; then, in 540, a breaking point occured in Eastern Roman-Sassanid relations. This study aims to examine the war situation of the two empires and why the Peace agreement was called “Eternal”.

Procopius’ Anecdota, better known as his ‘Secret History’ is the most valuable source written by an eyewitness available to modern historians for the reign of the Emperor Justinian and his wife Theodora. Procopius was a secretary to Belisarius, Justinian’s most trusted general, and his writing certainly suggests that he knew the public and possibly the private life of his subjects intimately. As respected a historian as Procopius was, the Secret History remains a stunning and vicious attack upon a reigning monarch during his lifetime, replete with invective and bile.

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

Le Sud-Est de l’Europe constitue une région périphérique du monde romain durant le Haut-Empire, même s’il s’agit d’une zone frontalière et donc stratégique. À partir du milieu du IIIe siècle, la défense des provinces danubiennes conduit plusieurs empereurs à mener des campagnes militaires dans la région du Bas-Danube. L’importance des Balkans pour l’organisation politique et militaire du monde romain est pérennisée par la fondation de Constantinople en 324. Désormais les Balkans orientaux sont intégrés au nouveau centre du pouvoir, mais la ville de Constantin devient une capitale seulement à partir de son fils Constance II (337-361) et les empereurs ne résident pas régulièrement dans la ville avant Théodose Ier (379-395). L’élévation de Constantinople au rang de capitale, d’abord temporaire puis permanente, accorde une importance spécifique aux Balkans. La polarisation du pouvoir impérial autour de Constantinople provoque une hiérarchisation de cette région désormais organisée entre une périphérie frontalière tournée vers le Danube et une zone maritime orientée vers le Bosphore. La concentration et la sédentarisation du pouvoir à Constantinople provoquent l’émergence non seulement d’une nouvelle capitale mais encore la constitution d’une région capitale dont l’étendue est délimitée par les voyages impériaux. Pendant les années 330-380, la circulation des souverains manifeste un processus de « constantinopolarisation » de l’Empire et plus particulièrement des Balkans. Un axe majeur de circulation et de décision relie le Bosphore au Danube avec Sirmium et Marcianopolis comme bases arrières d’intervention, tandis que des axes secondaires unissent Constantinople à Thessalonique et cette dernière ville à Sirmium. Les souverains organisent leur action à partir de ces quatre villes en privilégiant successivement Sirmium, Marcianopolis puis Thessalonique avec une préférence croissante pour Constantinople. La polarisation régionale est renforcée par la sédentarisation du pouvoir avec Théodose Ier, qui limite peu à peu ses déplacements au sud-est des Balkans et réside de plus en plus à Constantinople. Le poids de Constantinople devient écrasant avec ses successeurs, mais leur sédentarisation demeure relative et leur itinérance inclut toujours les Balkans orientaux pour organiser leur défense. Après la disparition de la dynastie théodosienne en 450, les empereurs quittent rarement Constantinople pour mener des expéditions militaires dans le sud-est des Balkans. La mobilité réduite des empereurs des Ve-VIe siècles ne provoque pas un abandon territorial et leur sédentarité ne provoque pas une perte d’autorité. À l’échelle de la région comme de l’Empire, la sédentarisation du pouvoir n’est pas synonyme d’immobilisme ou d’incompétence. Bien au contraire, la polarisation du pouvoir à Constantinople traduit le renforcement de l’autorité centrale. À la fin de l’Antiquité, les Balkans restent contrôlés à distance par Constantinople. Les relations entre l’espace balkanique et la nouvelle capitale permettent également de montrer les limites des concepts modernes de mobilité, de sédentarité, de centralisation et de polarisation du pouvoir.

The First Edition of Justinian’s Code appeared in 529, modelled on the Theodosian Code (438) and two earlier codes, the Gregorianus and Hermogenianus (290s). These two latter do not survive, but as compilations of imperial constitutions collected into the then new-style codex, ordered by book, thematic title and then chronological order, they set the pattern for the later imperial codes, even though bearing the names of their authors, who were the heirs of the classical jurists. Justinian’s Code built on these foundations, but also both subsumed and superseded the existing codes. However, major legal changes after 529 meant that a Second Edition, the one which survives today, had to be produced in 534. Although some differences between the two codes can be deduced from the later one alone, only P. Oxy. 1814, a papyrus index for part of Book I of the First Edition, enables explicit comparison. This reveals important details about the processes of addition, deletion, substitution and relocation of constitutions. Although Justinian continued to legislate after 534, he never again attempted to integrate the new into the old, as he had done so ambitiously in the early years of his reign.

The aim of the paper is to present the history of the research of Justinian's Digest's interpolations as a methodological issue. The emperor admitted that his dependents were also to make necessary 'amendments' in classical jurists' texts when drafting the 'Digest.' When it was rediscovered in the 11th century, it was dealt with like the Bible. That is why no critical attempts were possible. Only the scholars of mos gallicus docendi made such ones. The situation changed during the 19th century, mainly due to the works of Otto Gradenwitz: to find any possible interpolation became the most important duty of Romanists. In effect, too many propositions of conjectures actually replaced any fair interpretation. That led to a profound crisis of confidence to the foundation text of Roman law research. The interpolationism was generally criticized in the 1920's and 1930's, but the question of its role in interpretations of Roman law sources is still not without influence on contemporary legal research in Roman law.

Работа посвящена изучению приверженности высших слоев Восточно-римской империи V–VI вв. языческим культам. Рассматривается культурная деятельность языческой интеллектуальной элиты Восточной римской империи, освещается ее роль в политической жизни римского государства, характеризуются формы и методы ее противодействия распространению христианства.

The present work deals with the phenomena of the long preservation of adherence to pagan cults among the upper classes of East Roman society. The article deals with cultural activities of pagan intellectual elite in major scientific and educational centers of the Eastern Roman Empire, its role in the political life of the Roman state, the forms and methods of its counteractions against the spread of Christianity among East Roman elite.

Анализируются цели и результаты пребывания в Константинополе римских сенаторов, бежавших туда после разграбления Рима готами в 546 г. Исследование опирается на сообщения Прокопия Кесарийского, Liber Pontificalis, а также акты V Вселенского собора. Утратив покровительство готских властей и опасаясь за свою собственность из-за боевых действий в Италии, римские аристократы искали способ сохранить свое доминирующее положение в городе. Отправившись в Константинополь, сенаторы рассчитывали убедить византийского императора выступить против готов и вернуть контроль над Римом, что позволило бы им возвратить их привилегированный статус. Однако император Юстиниан I попытался использовать их приезд в своих целях. Правитель, занятый религиозными проблемами, заключил с римскими сенаторами соглашение, по которому те обязались принять участие в V Вселенском соборе и поддержать позицию императора в споре о Трех Главах, взамен аристократы получали обещание скорейшего отвоевания Италии у варваров. С использованием компаративного и историко-антропологического подходов прослеживается влияние военных действий в Италии и вынужденного переселения на Восток части сенаторов на угасание римского сенаторского сословия. Делается вывод о том, что благодаря участию римских сенаторов в империи было достигнуто религиозное единство, что было важно для Юстиниана, который не имел поддержки западных политических и церковных лидеров. Однако надежды сенаторов на восстановление единоличной власти в Риме оказались тщетными, поскольку Юстиниан, отвоевав Апеннинский полуостров, оставил за собой управление бывшей столицей, что привело к окончательной утрате сенаторами прежней власти в Риме и в перспективе к закату римского сенаторского сословия. После издания Pragmatica sanctio аристократы выступали в качестве посредников сначала между императором и церковью, а затем между церковными властями и мирянами уже в частном порядке.
The article considers the goals and results of the stay of Roman senators, who fled after the capture of Rome by the Goths in 546, in Constantinople. The study is based on the reports of Procopius of Caesarea, Liber Pontificalis and acts of the Fifth Ecumenical Council. After they had lost the patronage of the Gothic authorities and began to fear for their property due to hostilities in Italy, Roman aristocrats were looking for a way to maintain their former dominant position in the city. Going to Constantinople, the senators hoped to convince the Byzantine emperor to oppose the Goths and regain control of Rome, which would allow them to take back their privileged status. However, Emperor Justinian I tried to use their arrival for his own purposes. The ruler was busy with religious problems. He made an agreement with senators, according to which they pledged to take part in the 5th Ecumenical Council and to support the emperor’s position in the dispute over the Three Chapters. In return, the aristocrats received the promise of the speedy liberation of Italy from the barbarians. Using a comparative and historical-anthropological approach, the author traces the influence of military operations in Italy and the forced resettlement of some senators to the East on the extinction of the Roman senatorial order. Senators’ hopes for the restoration of the emperor’s individual rule in Rome turned out to be in vain. Having conquered the Apennine peninsula, Justinian retained control of the former capital. As a result, the senators finally lost their previous power in Rome and the Roman senatorial order fell into decay. After the publication of Pragmatica sanctio, aristocrats acted as mediators, first between the emperor and the church, and then between the church authorities and the laity privately.

In Historia Arcana Procopius presents the emperor Justinian and his wife Theodora as a couple of demons bent on the extinction of humankind. This picture is in sharp contrast with how the pair is presented in other works of Procopius (the Wars and panegyric Buildings), hence scholars find it controversial.
The paper aims to show that the demonological element was skilfully used by Procopius as a basis to build an invective against the emperor and his wife: the analysis of the work's structure, metaphors and vocabulary proves that the author, employing mythical, apocalyptic and historical motives, builds a consistent picture of Justinian and Theodora as incarnation of evil and the reason of all the misfortunates plaguing the empire.

This volume contains two texts that crossed the Mediterranean in Late Antiquity. The Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius was one of the first works composed in response to the Arab invasions and the establishment of the Muslim empire in the seventh century. In a matter of decades, it was translated from its original Syriac into Greek and from Greek into Latin. (Both the Greek and Latin texts are presented here.) The Apocalypse enjoyed immense popularity throughout the Middle Ages, informing expectations of the end of the world, responses to strange and exotic invaders like the Mongols and Turks, and even the legendary versions of the life of Alexander the Great. An Alexandrian World Chronicle (Excerpta Latina Barbari) was considered important by no less a humanist than Joseph Scaliger. He recognized it as a representative of an early stage in the Christian chronicle tradition that would dominate medieval historiography. The original Greek text may have been a diplomatic gift from the court of Justinian to a potential ally among Frankish royalty, translated two centuries later by the Franks themselves in their efforts to convert the pagan Saxons. In addition to presenting a universal chronicle with a comprehensive ethnography and geography, the Excerpta offer a Euhemeristic narrative of the gods and another account of Alexander.