Militarism

Resumen. En la España de principios del siglo XX, la Asociación de Tiro Nacional fue representativa de la clase militar, la aristocracia y la derecha conservadora, y si bien entre sus objetivos se fomentaba la afición a las prácticas de tiro como medio de enderezar física y moralmente a la juventud, por otro lado, se proyectaron dispositivos nacionalizadores que aspiraban a vincular la vida militar con la civil. Con ello se inventaba un relato patriótico para subordinar y disciplinar a la ciudadanía a los propósitos subyacentes en la salvaguarda de una sociedad en decadencia. Alrededor de este paradigma se actuó sobre la niñez masculina, que fue utilizada para moldear un mistificado sentimiento patriótico en el cual se fundamentó la proyección de las violencias reaccionarias encuadradas en defender la unidad territorial e ideológica de España.

In early 20th century Spain, the National Shooting Association represented the military class, the aristocracy and the conservative right. Although one of its objectives was to promote rifle shooting as a way of physically and morally fortifying young people, it was also a source of nationalistic stratagems whose aim was to tie together military and civilian life. This meant making up a patriotic narrative to discipline the citizenry and subordinate it to the underlying aim of safeguarding a society in decadence. Around this paradigm, male childhood was moulded to instil a sentiment of mystical patriotism, which formed the basis for the reactionary violence later deployed in the defence of the territorial and ideological unity of Spain.

This thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach combining research methods in history and political science to propose that the fundamental cause of Rome’s entry into and later domination of the Greek world was its reaction to a series of geopolitical developments in the Mediterranean region around the years 219 – 188 BCE. The thesis contends that the dominant paradigm in current scholarship on Roman imperialism assigns too much value to the internal structures of Roman society and consequently overlooks the importance of developments in the interstate system, in which the Roman state was a participant.

Following Alexander’s unexpected death in 323, his subordinates waged constant warfare for the next four decades to divide the spoils of his vast empire. By the 280s, these wars subsided, and an unstable balance of power emerged in the east Mediterranean, between the Antigonid, Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties.

This balance of power shattered seventy years later due to a sudden decline in Ptolemaic power, caused by a massive native uprising in Egypt, chronic domestic maladministration and a series of unfortunate coincidences. Ptolemaic collapse triggered what political scientists term a power-transition crisis, as it motivated the Antigonid and Seleucid rulers to launch aggressive wars with the aim of capturing Ptolemaic territory. Their aggression threatened the independence of minor Greek states, which attempted to recreate a tripolar balance of power in the region by appealing to Rome for intervention in the crisis.

With the Roman defeat of the two great dynasties and the collapse of the third, a new interstate system emerged in the Mediterranean: hegemony under the government of the Romans.

Cross-border solidarity has captured the interest and imagination of scholars, activists and a range of political actors in such contested areas as the US-Mexico border and Guantanamo Bay. Chandra Russo examines how justice-seeking solidarity drives activist communities contesting US torture, militarism and immigration policies. Through compelling and fresh ethnographic accounts, Russo follows these activists as they engage in unusual and high risk forms of activism (fasting, pilgrimage, civil disobedience). She explores their ideas of solidarity and witnessing, which are central to how the activists explain their activities. This book adds to our understanding of solidarity activism under new global arrangements, and illuminates the features of movement activity that deepen activists' commitment by helping their lives feel more humane, just and meaningful. Based on participant observation, interviews, surveys and hundreds of courtroom statements, Russo develops a new theorization of solidarity that will take a central place in social movement studies.

While  nation-states  often  claim  that  refugees  threaten  their  political  and  territorial integrity, this chapter shows how the opposite can be true: sometimes states need refugees. In late 2014 and early 2015, when parts of Iraq and Syria were overtaken by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), people seeking refuge in semiautonomous Iraqi Kurdistan became central to the public story told about Kurdish sovereignty. Their ethnic or regional group affiliation determined their integration or rejection by the Kurdish authorities. For example, on the one hand, Anbari people were suspected of being ISIS supporters because of their regional origin. They found themselves the target of suspicion, even as they were provided with refugee status and aid. On the other hand, minorities such as Yazidi and Kurds were brought into camps that looked more like planned cities.Ultimately, refugee presence in Kurdistan reinforced a garrisoned security state. In the name of protecting refugees, Kurdistan received international humanitarian support, but also a major thrust of military expertise and supplies by which to enforce its borders. By 2017, the Pentagon signed an agreement to give the Kurdish army, known as the Peshmerga, US$415 million (Al Jazeera 2016), along with part of the US$13 billion it was spending in the fight against ISIS. Defining and placing refugees became a core alibi to the construction of a security state that held the potential of becoming a U.S.-backed independent Kurdistan.  This  was  ultimately  not  the  case,  and  the  United  States  quickly  withdrew its support for Kurdistan after ISIS was officially defeated. Nevertheless, the centrality of refugees in the story of a weak nation-state reveals insights about the political role of refugees more broadly, even for states whose status is less tenuous or less obviously linked to refugee protection.

What is the meaning of peace, why should we study it, and how should we achieve it? Although there are an increasing number of manuscripts, curricula and initiatives that grapple with some strand of peace education, there is, nonetheless, a dearth of critical, cross-disciplinary, international projects/books that examine peace education in conjunction with war and conflict. Within this volume, the authors contend that war/military conflict/violence are not a nebulous, far-away, mysterious venture; rather, they argue that we are all, collectively, involved in perpetrating and perpetuating militarization/conflict/violence inside and outside of our own social circles. Therefore, education about and against war can be as liberating as it is necessary. If war equates killing, can our schools avoid engaging in the examination of what war is all about? If education is not about peace, then is it about war? Can a society have education that willfully avoids considering peace as its central objective? Can a democracy exist if pivotal notions of war and peace are not understood, practiced, advocated and ensconced in public debate? These questions, according to Carr and Porfilio and the contributors they have assembled, merit a critical and extensive reflection. This book seeks to provide a range of epistemological, policy, pedagogical, curriculum and institutional analyses aimed at facilitating meaningful engagement toward a more robust and critical examination of the role that schools play (and can play) in framing war, militarization and armed conflict and, significantly, the connection to peace.  https://www.routledge.com/products/9780415899208

In the 1970s, the Park Chung Hee administration (1961-79) leveraged all defense-related civilian industries to build an independent system of weapons production. In keeping with Park's advancement of military modernization driven by strong private-sector growth, an agenda that he promoted with his banner slogan “rich nation, strong military,” large Korean companies known as chaebŏl (재벌) were transformed to serve as government contractors that drove both national economic development and military modernization. A case study of one such company, Hanwha, illustrates how the state's hyper-militarization of Korean industries determined the distinct course and character of South Korea's national development. The study highlights the dynamic interplay that occurred between state actors and private-sector CEOs, managers, and laborers in shaping the chaebŏl-centered economic and defense industrialization.

This master's dissertation puts the process of police militarization in the United States under a sociological lens. Ultimately, it asks, what are the mechanisms and purpose of police militarization that support its continuation? And how has it affected the police-citizen relationship? The theoretical framework used to explore the phenomenon is Symbolic Power, Habitus, and Field by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. The paper demonstrates that the US government has exploited the history of militarism and the long-established idolized view of the military in order to channel its power domestically through the police, especially after the military drawdowns in the 2010s. By deconstructing police militarization in the socio-political realm, the process is divulged as power struggles between the state and its citizens. The paper lastly submits that the militarization of police forces has successfully secured the government’s “symbolic power”, while human rights and social justice claims lack the capability to produce the same legitimacy for the citizens.

This paper begins by identifying a tendency in the mass media to represent military robotics in a manner that endows the devices with a degree of automation and agency that is actually beyond the technology. Underlying these descriptions of the capacities of military robots, it is argued, is a kind of fetishization. Military robot fetishism is not simply based upon an irrational or mistaken belief about the real capacities of the robots but, instead, following Baudrillard, their fetish value stems from their positive valuation according to a code of functionality that rests upon the risk-transfer labour of the robot. Acting as (western) soldier surrogates, the promise of the military robot is one of casualty reduction but asymmetrically so. As such, military robot fetishism arises, much as Mulvey proposes, out of the difficulty of representing reality – namely that waging war has not become a scientifically guided rational-antiseptic enterprise but continues to be a gruesome and violent activity. In this way, the fetishization of military robots can be attributed to the need to ameliorate a particular reality that is less politically difficult for western governments and their militaries. In this way, military robotics becomes a science of imaginary technical solutions to the problem of war legitimation. Thus the promotion of military robot fetishism in the mass media means that the military robot as fetish comes to circulate within both martial and civilian lifeworlds, re-legitimizing warfare and affording further the militarization of civic life.

This article seeks to construct a comparative investigation of the role and application of militaristic metaphors in three contested areas of science-society discourse (invasive species, foot-and-mouth disease, and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome). It examines differences in the uses of metaphors and the role played by the emergence or neglect of critical linguistic engagement in these areas of public concern. It contributes to debates about the relationship between language use, policy, and the public understanding of science and technology. It demonstrates that militaristic metaphors are still part of a pervasive, but by no means inevitable, mode of science and policy communication.

Communication scholars have examined how colonialism is rhetorically maintained, and how discourse excludes Indigenous perspectives. Yet, seldom has the field addressed rhetorical phenomena from Oceanic places experiencing colonization and militarization. This essay calls for prioritizing orientations from the Pacific—an expansive site from which to understand structures and cultures of contemporary colonial power. This Oceanic orientation navigates Oceanic rhetoric, which insists upon the centrality of Indigenous subjects to the ocean and communication phenomena that belong to these places. Applying field methods in the Mariana Islands, I triangulate indigeneity, colonization, and rhetorical phenomena as they operate simultaneously outside and inside an “American” imperial center.

This paper shows how the connections between engineering and warfare/militarism are closer than is usually recognized. It investigates the nature of that relationship using theoretical perspectives from critical theory and social constructionism. We draw on historical research into the influence of military institutions and interests on the field of engineering, but also look broadly at cultures of warfare that extend beyond formalized military institutions. Focusing on engineering labor and engineering epistemologies, we suggest that engineering today can be understood as a “war-built” discipline—even when practiced apart from military institutions and projects. We put forward “social justice” as an idealized alternative foundation for engineering. In addition to serving as a corrective to the inordinate influence of militarism on engineering, a social-justice-based approach could also sensitize engineers and others to the pervasive role of social context in shaping both what engin...

This essay discusses how the 2016 South Korean television drama Descendants of the Sun attempts to distance the representation of the soldier from the necropolitical.  Although various filming techniques and intradiegetic elements attempt to disengage the soldier figure from historical representations that continually emphasize the right to kill, Descendants ultimately demonstrates that the discourse of world peace itself is inherently violent.  By promoting global humanitarianism, Descendants fails to provide a critical lens through which viewers can reflect on participation in a cosmopolitan ethos that depends on the continual renewal of neoimperial relationships.

Keywords: Descendants of the Sun, Necropolitics, Korean television dramas, Representation of soldiers, Militarism

¿Es posible que alguien, aparentemente, tan distinto a nosotros cambie nuestro modo de ver el mundo? ¿Es posible que este alguien transforme nuestra manera de comportarnos? ¿En qué forma la sociedad influye en la constitución de la psiquis del individuo? Este artículo intentará responder estas preguntas analizando la novela La Ciudad y los Perros (1962) de Mario Vargas Llosa. El análisis se enfocará 1) en la transformación y la inserción del personaje en formación (Alberto Fernández, el Poeta) en una sociedad represiva; 2) en su relación con quien encarna el paradigma del subalterno (Ricardo Arana, el Esclavo) que no puede insertarse en el sistema; y 3) en cómo esta relación genera temor e incertidumbre en ambos personajes acerca del mandato de 'hacerse hombres' y su integración en la sociedad que habitan (la ciudad de Lima de la década de los 50); temor causado por las inquietantes semejanzas libidinales entre el Poeta y el Esclavo. Se verá cómo esta novela muestra prácticas discriminatorias que aún persisten en nuestras sociedades contemporáneas. En la última sección, se mostrará cómo la novela ofrece, a través de un verso del poeta peruano Carlos Germán Belli, una forma de resistencia al opresivo militarismo que parece determinar el destino de los jóvenes cadetes.

Is it possible that someone, apparently, so different to us change our way of seeing the world? Is it possible that this person transforms our way of behaving? In what ways society influences the constitution of the person's psyche? This article will attempt to answer these questions through the analysis of Mario Vargas Llosa's La ciudad y los perros (1962). The analysis will focus 1) on the transformation and the inclusion of the main character in a repressive society (Alberto Fernández, the Poet); 2) on his interaction with the one who embodies the paradigm of the subaltern (Ricardo Arana, the Slave) who cannot be part of the social system; and 3) on how this relationship generates fear and uncertainty in both characters about the their duty " to become men " and their integration in the society which both inhabit (the city of Lima in the decade of the 50s); fear caused by libidinal and disturbing similarities between the Poet and the Slave. This article shows how this novel visibilizes discriminatory practices that persist in our contemporary societies. The last section focuses on how a verse of the Peruvian poet Carlos Germán Belli offers a form of resistance to the oppressive militarism that seems to determine the destiny of the young cadets.

“It would seem that awareness of the nuclear danger should be precisely the common denominator with which statesmen of both countries would exercise restraint and seek mutual understanding to strengthen confidence, to avoid the irreparable. However, I must say that I do not see it on the part of the current administration and they may be moving toward the dangerous red line.

""En Filipo II y el Arte de la Guerra tendremos la oportunidad de conocer en profundidad a uno de los más grandes reyes de la antigua Macedonia. Gracias a su habilidad como estratega, diplomático, político y soldado, heredó un reino pobre, débil y acosado por innumerables enemigos y lo transformó en el más poderoso de toda Grecia.

A lo largo de sus páginas podremos conocer la historia del reino Macedonio, desde sus orígenes míticos hasta la formación de un imperio, de la mano del que, a la postre, se convertiría en el padre del mítico Alejandro Magno y en el forjador de un nuevo ejército que cambiaria el devenir de la guerra en la Antigüedad. Filipo II fue el creador de la falange macedonia, formación que se demostraría como inigualable en el campo de batalla y que reportaría incontables victorias sobre poderosos enemigos, como los ilirios, los tesalios, los tracios, los beocios o los atenienses. Pero no sólo eso, logró integrar en el campo de batalla a la infantería y a la caballería para emplearlos en nuevas formaciones tácticas: armó a sus soldados con las míticas sarissas y apreció como pocos las posibilidades militares que la maquinaria de guerra podía proporcionarle, siendo el mecenas de numerosos avances en este campo. Soñó con conquistar el Imperio persa, cuando ya había logrado lo que nadie antes fue capaz: el control de Grecia.

Sólo la muerte le arrebató esa hazaña, pero sentó las bases de lo que más tarde conseguiría su propio hijo. Su figura levantó tanto odios como pasiones; se le conocía como mujeriego y bebedor, pero también por su habilidad para la oratoria, por sus astucia, determinación y valor. Siempre luchó en primera línea junto a sus soldados y nunca permitió que éstos le llamaran rey, sino solo "General".

The latest Bond flick No Time To Die was certainly a rollercoaster ride of exciting action scenes and great special effects, yet contained more than a quantum of longueurs. With a running time of 163 minutes it certainly tries the patience and the bladders of its audiences (who I saw popping out of the cinema throughout the film). Personally, I think 90 minutes is enough for any film, especially since the disappearance of the intermission and ice-cream selling of yore. In this case, the increased length seems to have been to incorporate backstories of some of the individuals involved. The effect of this is to attenuate Bond's appearances in the film, while adding very little to the story (hence the longueurs). By Official James Bond 007 Website One effect of this narrative style is to put more emphasis on the story of Bond and less on the usual geopolitics and action we associate with Bond films. Now this is very interesting considering that if one was to ask oneself: which country would be the most likely target and villain of the latest Bond film as a cultural representative of the world's imperialist and neocolonial powers? It would have to be: China.

This paper identifies a global trend towards hardened, militarised borders through the use of military technologies, hardware and personnel. In contrast to claims of waning state sovereignty, drawing on detailed case studies from the United States and European Union, we argue the militarisation of borders represents a re-articulation and expansion of state sovereignty into new spaces and arenas. We argue that the nexus of military-security contractors, dramatically increased security budgets, and the discourse of threats from terrorism and immigration is resulting in a profound shift in border security. The construction of barriers, deployment of more personnel and the investment in a wide range of military and security technologies from drones to smart border technologies that attempt to monitor, identify and prevent unauthorised movements are emblematic of this shift. We link this increasing militarisation to dehumanisation of migrant others and to the increasing mortality in border spaces. By documenting this trend and identifying a range of different practices that are included under the rubric of militarisation, this paper is both a call for nuanced interpretation and more sustained investigation of the expansion of the military into the policing of borders.

This course presents a broad survey of historical forces at work over the past 6,000 years, examining the manners in which human societies have organized themselves along categories of race, ethnicity, class, and gender to meet the challenges of the increasing human population and its demands on natural resources: thus, it examines continuity and change in societies over time, in different places, and among various peoples.

Although voluntary recruitment to the military is today the Western norm, we know little about citizens' beliefs regarding service members' reasons for joining. This article, reporting and analyzing the results of a nationally representative U.S. survey, rectifies this gap. We find that, despite the reality of market-based recruitment, many Americans continue to subscribe to an idealized image of service members as moved by self-sacrificing patriotism. This belief is most heavily concentrated among conservative Americans. Liberal Americans are more likely to believe that service members join primarily for economic reasons. Those furthest to the left are more inclined to aver that service members join chiefly to escape desperate circumstances. Perhaps most surprising, we discover a disconnect between respondents with military experience and their families: The former are more likely to acknowledge that pay and benefits are a primary motivation for service, whereas their families are more likely to embrace a patriotic service narrative.

Ukrainekrieg: Moskaus Strategiewechsel. Übersicht über das Kriegsgeschehen bis zum 10. April 2022
Eine der Ursachen für das Scheitern der russischen Offensive vor Kiew scheint Wladimir Putins Tendenz, sich persönlich in die operative Führung seiner Armeen einzumischen. Die Bestellung eines für den gesamten Kriegsschauplatz verantwortlichen Oberbefehlshabers, General Alexander Dwornikow, soll jetzt Abhilfe schaffen.
Nach dem Rückzug aus der Nordukraine hat Russland einen Strategiewechsel vollzogen und will sich nun auf die Eroberung des Donbass konzentieren. Die erforderliche Umgruppierung ist im Gange.
1. Putins operative Führung
2. Die Ursachen der russischen Schwäche
3. Der neue Oberbefehlshaber
4. Der Angriff auf den Bahnhof von Kramatorsk
5. Die russische Umgruppierung
6. Die Kämpfe im Donbass
7. Die Belagerung von Mariupol
8. Die Lage um Maritopol und Cherson

Авторы определяют фашизм, как разновидность способа строительства нации, основанного на делении людей по этническому признаку на высшие и низшие ранги, преследовании, эксплуатации и уничтожении первыми вторых. С этих теоретических позиций в книге анализируются процессы национального строительства в 20-е-50-е гг. ХХ в. в Японии, Китае, странах Юго-Восточной Азии. Формулируются выводы о природе, специфике, формах, структуре, механизме возникновения, развития, надлома и трансформации азиатского фашизма. Полученные в работе выводы позволяют лучше понять суть социально-политических процессов, происходящих в азиатском регионе в настоящее время как в азиатском регионе, так и во всем мире.
The authors define fascism as a kind of nation-building method based on the division of people along ethnic lines into higher and lower ranks, persecution, exploitation and destruction of the former by the latter. From these theoretical positions, the book analyzes the processes of nation-building in the 20s-50s. 20th century in Japan, China, Southeast Asia. Conclusions are formulated about the nature, specifics, forms, structure, mechanism of emergence, development, breakdown and transformation of Asian fascism. The conclusions obtained in the work allow us to better understand the essence of the socio-political processes taking place in the Asian region at the present time both in the Asian region and throughout the world.

The relationship between the US State’s military propaganda agencies, the entertainment industries, media products, and public opinion is of interest to researchers, and the alliance of the military and the entertainment industries is often conceptualized as a “military-entertainment complex” (MEC). This entry focuses on some relevant concepts for studying the MEC (the military-industrial complex, the military-industrial-communications complex, the military-industrial-media-entertainment network, the media war/virtuous war, and interactive militainment), identifies the political and economic institutions that make up the MEC (the Department of Defense’s public affairs office and US media and entertainment corporations), and highlights synergies between the DoD and specific sectors of the entertainment industries that underlie the production of militainment (the DoD-news complex; the DoD-Hollywood complex; the DoD-sports complex; the DoD-digital games complex; and the DoD-social media complex).

The question of whether women should be allowed to participate in combat operations has become more salient as nations are waging long term wars on multiple fronts.  Arguments, both for and against women in combat, are based on psychological, biological and moral grounds.  Historically, women have been combatants in many wars, rebellions and revolutions, but frequently become marginalized once fighting has ceased.  Current research into the masculinization of female soldiers demonstrates that the female embodiment of militarized masculinization can have negative effects on the way women are perceived in the military.  Major changes in the way war is waged has provided opportunities for women to engage in close quarter combat to which they have not only repeatedly excelled as soldiers, but also have gained accolades for bravery.  This piece examines the history of, current debates, and possible future directions of women in combat.

Using the theme of “discipleship” found in the witness of the peace churches but neglected in Roman Catholic theology, this paper interrogates concrete practices of military training and culture in the contemporary United States. Viewed through the lens of discipleship, military training is described as a process of discipleship in its own right, including practices of conversion and deliberate conscience (de-)formation that are fundamentally at odds with Christian discipleship and ultimately destructive to both the soldier and the victims of the US military. American Catholics can learn much from the peace churches in terms of ecclesial praxis for resisting the "destructive obedience" that is central to military discipleship.