ARCHIVIO STORICO MESSINESE Fondato nel 1900 Periodico della Società Messinese di Storia Patria CONSIGLIO DIRETTIVO Rosario Moscheo, Presidente Carmela Maria Rugolo, V. Presidente Salvatore Bottari, Segretario Giovan Giuseppe Mellusi, Tesoriere Consiglieri Giampaolo Chillè, Concetta Giuffrè Scibona, Letterio Gulletta COMITATO DI REDAZIONE Giovan Giuseppe Mellusi, Direttore Salvatore Bottari, Virginia Buda, Vittoria Calabrò Giampaolo Chillè, Mariangela Orlando, Elisa Vermiglio Direttore Responsabile Angelo Sindoni Pubblicazione realizzata con il contributo della Regione Siciliana Assessorato dei Beni Culturali e dell’Identità Siciliana www.societamessinesedistoriapatria.it direttore@societamessinesedistoriapatria.it Antonio Tavilla, webmaster Autorizzazione n. 8225 Tribunale di Messina del 18-XI-1985 ISSN 1122-701X Archivio Storico Messinese (On-line) ISSN 2421-2997 Futura Print Service, Messina, impaginazione SOCIETà MESSINESE DI STORIA PATRIA ARCHIVIO STORICO MESSINESE 97 MESSINA 2016 SAGGI Giuseppe Campagna NOTES ON THE EXPuLSION OF THE JEwS FROM PALERMO AND MESSINA 1. On March 31, 1492, in the newly conquered city of Granada, the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, signed the decree of expulsion of all Jews from their lands. The edict was sent to several places and reformulated depending on the local situation. It was proclaimed on May 1st in Castile and a few days before in Aragon. The Sicilian text of the edict was made public on the island on June 18th1. There were two main reasons for the measure: it was argued that many neophytes had secretly returned to practicing Mosaic rites and, as alleged by the inquisitors, they sought to convert Christians to these rites2. The other reason lied in the practice of Jews to lend money for interest to Christians3. 1 G. e B. LAGuMINA, Codice Diplomatico dei Giudei di Sicilia, vol. III, Palermo 1895, doc. 883, pp. 19-26; R. GIuFFRIDA, A. SPARTI, S. DI MATTEO (ed.), Fonti per la storia dell’espulsione degli ebrei dalla Sicilia, Palermo 1992, pp. 11-43; F. RENDA, La fine del giudaismo siciliano. Ebrei marrani e inquisizione spagnola prima, durante e dopo la cacciata del 1492, Palermo 1993, pp. 171-176; S. SIMONSOHN, The Jews in Sicily, vol. 8, Leiden-Boston 2006, doc. 5439, pp. 4679-4686. 2 Ibidem: «Per li patri inquisituri di la heresia et apostasia in li diocesi di nostri regni et signurii posti et constituti semo informati haviri trovato multi et diversi christiani haviri tornato et passato a li riti iudaichi et stari et viviri in la ligi et su-persticioni Iudayca, et facendo so ceremonii, et guardando quilla sino a la abominabili circumcisioni, blassemando el sancto nome di Iesu Christu nostru signuri et redempturi, appartandosi di la doctrina evangelica di sua sanctissima ligi et del vertatero culto di quilla, et chi la dicta eresia et appostesia so stati causa li iudei masculi et fimini chi in dicti nostri regni et signurii stanno et habitano per la conversactioni et communicationi chi cum li dicti christiani teniano et tenino, li quali postpostu nostru timuri cum grandi studio, cura et sollecitudini li induchianu et attrahiano a la dicta ligi musayca, dogmatizzando et insignando li loru precepti et cerimonii di quilla, et facen-duli guardari lu sabbato et li paski et festi di quilla». 3 Ibidem: «A so inquieto et perverso viviri trovamo li dicti Iudei per mezzo di gravissi- 8 GIuSEPPE CAMPAGNA Various interpretations have been provided by historians about the reasons, the background and the circumstances that preceded and resulted in the decision by the Catholic Monarchs4. According to Francesco Renda, the issue that they sought to solve was how to ensure the political unity of the Iberian Peninsula and hence how to favor and consolidate the foundations of the nascent modern Spanish nation5. The Sicilian historian, however, did not underestimate the religious implications which «addressed considerations of a universalistic nature, i.e., of how to settle the dispute on the presence of the Jews within the Christian community which had reached critical levels in various parts of Europe and the breaking point in Spain»6. Moshe Ben Simon traces the cause of the Gerush to the will to build an entirely Catholic nation: «the two monarchs are Catholics and so must also all the subjects of their kingdom. If the conquest of Granada was the first step in this direction, the expulsion of the Jews was the second»7. Moreover, a precious testimony comes from the famous Jew, Isaac Abravanel, an authoritative figure in Sephardi culture and a financial adviser at the court of the Spanish monarchs. In the introduction to the book Ma’jené Jeshu’à, Abravanel argued that the expulsion was the result of an oath made by Queen Isabella during the war against Granada: had God mi et insupportabili usuri devorari et absorbiri li beni et substancii di li christiani, exercendo inquietamenti et sencza pietati la pravitati usuraria contro li dicti christiani publicamenti et manifeste comu contra inimici». 4 C. TRASSELLI, Sull’espulsione degli ebrei dalla Sicilia, in «Annali della Facoltà di Economia e Commercio», 8 (1954), pp.131-150; E. ASHTOR, La fin du judaïsme sicilien, in «Revue des études juives», 97 (1983), pp. 332-347; RENDA, La fine del giudaismo siciliano, cit.; E. BENBASSA, La diaspora juive 1492, in «Histoire, économie et société», 3 (1993), pp. 335-343; H. BRESC, L’expulsion des Juifs de Sicile, in D. IANCu-AGOu (ed.), L’expulsion des Juifs de Provence et de l’Europe méditerranéenne (XVe-XVIe siècles). Exils et conversions, Paris-Louvain-Dudley 2005, pp. 59-76; M. MORSELLI, S. ROSSO, R. TEDESCHINI FuBINI (ed.), Gerush 1492-1510. Espulsione degli Ebrei dalla Sicilia e dal Meridione d’Italia, A.E.C., Torino 2011; SIMONSOHN, Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit., pp. 453.497; F.P. TOCCO, Spunti di riflessione sulla migrazione spaziale e identitaria degli ebrei siciliani nel 1492, in S. TAVIANO (ed.), Migrazione e Identità Culturali, Messina 2008, pp. 137-144; G. CAMPAGNA, L’espulsione degli ebrei dalla Sicilia. Diaspora di uomini ed identità, in ID. (ed.), Società, Potere e Libertà. Studi storici dal Medioevo all’Età Contemporanea, Roma 2016, pp. 35-62. 5 RENDA, La fine del giudaismo siciliano, cit., p. 79. 6 Ibidem. 7 M. BEN-SIMON, Gli ebrei di Sicilia. Una memoria da recuperare, in M. MORSELLI, S. ROSSO, R. TEDESCHINI FuBINI (ed.), Gerush 1492-1510. Espulsione degli Ebrei dalla Sicilia e dal Meridione d’Italia, Torino 2011, p. 3. Notes on the expulsion of the Jews from Palermo and Messina 9 Almighty granted theconquest of the last Muslim stronghold in the land of Spain, the Queen would have expelled the Jews8. The influence of the religious aspect in the decision of the Spanish rulers was not underestimated either by Shlomo Simonsohn who rightly identified Tomas de Torquemada as the main advocate for the expulsion of the Jews9. Simonsohn did agree though that from the thirteenth century to the early sixteenth century there had been a vast, and often ignored, historical process that led to the end of the Jewish presence in England, France, the Spanish peninsula, in part of the Italian peninsula and in vast areas of Germany10. 2. As for the decree, the reasons illustrated by Ferdinand and Isabella, however, had very little bearing with Sicily. In fact, the number of neophytes on the island was negligible and the practice of lending money for interest was not very widespread among the members of the Jewish community in Sicily11. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate into the specific cultural climate in which the expulsion of the Jews in Sicily took place and to link it to both the Mediterranean context and to the social, political and institutional situation in Spain. After the fall of Constantinople (1453), the fear of a Turkish invasion along the Ionian coast of Sicily was very widespread. The fanatical climate of the Spanish Reconquista was matched by the efforts of Pope Paul II to bring together the forces of Europe’s Christian rulers to launch a crusade against the Turks and by his desire to persecute heretics. In this context, the pogroms against the Jews which occurred in Sicily in the 1470s in a climate of exalted Marian devotion were especially a hunt for all those who were different and for heretics12. Other reasons such as the ancient hatred against the alleged murderers of Christ and resentment toward usurers were definitely much less important. The most shocking event happened in Modica on August 15, 1474 on the occasion of the Assumption of Our Lady. A mad crowd incited by the local clergy attacked the local ghet8 G. LARAS, Il perché di un’infamia, in «Orot», 2 (1992), pp. 6-7. SIMONSOHN, Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit., pp. 453-459. 10 Ibidem. 11 On the ‘neofiti’ in Sicily see: RENDA, La fine del giudaismo siciliano, cit.; N. ZELDES, “The Former Jews of this Kingdom”. Sicilian Converts after the Expulsion, 1492-1516, Leiden-Boston 2003, pp. 18-21. 12 G. GIARRIZZO, La Sicilia dal Cinquecento all’Unità d’Italia, in V. D’ALESSANDRO, G. GIARRIZZO, La Sicilia dal Vespro all’Unità d’Italia, Torino 1989. 9 10 GIuSEPPE CAMPAGNA to killing men, women and children. The final toll was about 360 people. Their homes were ransacked. Some were forced to be baptized13. Toward the end of the Middle Ages, Sicilian Jews accounted for about 5% of the population on the island, more than half of all those present in Italy. During the period in which the Jews lived on the island, a general standard of co-existence, though limited, was observed and maintained between the Jewish minority and the vast majority surrounding them. The Jews and the other inhabitants (Muslims, before the Norman conquest and until the thirteenth century, Greeks and Latins) lived near one another and this was often the case also for the respective places of worship14. The phenomenon which started in the late ancient period and continued and spread under Islamic rule further consolidated and stabilized with the constitution and consolidation of the Norman-Swabian monarchy. Only on special occasions, and especially at the end of the Middle Ages, was this balance broken15. 3. Palermo and Messina, for example, had two of the most important Jewish communities in Sicily. The community of Palermo, the most numerous in Sicily, lived mainly in the Cassaro district, even though they owned 13 On the anti Jewish ‘pogroms’ in Sicily see: G. MODICA SCALA, Le comunità ebraiche nella contea di Modica, Setim, Modica 1978; I. PERI, Restaurazione e pacifico stato in Sicilia. 1377-1501, Roma-Bari 1988; GIARRIZZO, La Sicilia dal Cinquecento all’Unità d’Italia, cit., p. 111; M. BEVILACQuA KRASNER, Re, Regine, Francescani, Domenicani ed Ebrei in Sicilia nel XIV e XV. Potere politico, potere religioso e comunità ebraiche in Sicilia, in «Archivio Storico Siciliano», 24 (1998), 61-91; G. PALERMO, New Evidence about the Slaughter of the Jews in Modica, Noto and alsewhere in Sicily (1474), «Henoch», 12 (2000), pp. 247-317; H. BRESC, Arabi per lingua Ebrei per religione. L’evoluzione dell’ebraismo siciliano in ambiente latino dal XII al XV secolo, Messina 2001; SIMONSOHN, Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit., pp. 295-303; G. CAMPAGNA, Contra Iudaeos. ‘Pogrom’ in Sicilia tra tardo medioevo e prima età moderna, in «Peloro», I, 2 (2016), pp. 129-149. 14 Italia Judaica. Gli ebrei in Sicilia sino all’espulsione del 1492, Atti del V convegno internazionale (Palermo, 15-19 giugno 1992), Roma 1995; N. BuCARIA, Sicilia Judaica, Palermo 1997; ID. (ed.), Gli Ebrei in Sicilia dal Tardoantico al Medioevo. Studi in onore di Mons. Benedetto Rocco, Palermo 1998; H. BRESC. Arabi per lingua, Ebrei per religione: l’evoluzione dell’ebraismo siciliano in ambiente latino dal XII al XV secolo, Messina 2001; N. BuCARIA, M. LuZZATI, A. TARANTINO (ed.), Ebrei e Sicilia, Palermo 2003; SIMONSOHN, Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit.; H. BRESC, Le judaisme sicilien, caractères généraux et particularités, in M. PERANI (ed.), Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada alias Flavio Mitridate. Un ebreo converso siciliano, Palermo 2007, pp. 1-22. 15 Ibidem. Notes on the expulsion of the Jews from Palermo and Messina 11 houses and workshops in other parts of the city as well. All the major institutions of the local community were located within the bounds of the Jewish quarter or close to it: the synagogue, the ritual bath, the slaughterhouse, the cemetery and so forth. The main business activities of the Jews were located along the Platea Marmorea, the most important street in the city. In addition to the Cassaro, the neighborhoods where the Jews of Palermo resided or worked were the Albergheria and the Conceria16. A Jewish traveler named Ovadyah ben Abraham of Bartenura has left us a description of Jewish Palermo dating back to 1487: Palermo is a great city, the capital of the Kingdom of Sicily. It is inhabited by approximately 850 Jewish families, concentrated in a neighborhood located in the best part of the city. They are humble people: craftsmen who work copper and iron, porters and laborers. […] The Synagogue of Palermo has no equals in the world and is absolutely worthy of all praise. […] Around the synagogue there are many buildings, among which a hospice which has beds for the sick and for foreigners who come from far away and have nowhere to sleep. There is also the ritual bath and the great and beautiful hall of the Community representatives17. The Jewish community of Messina lived in a district located in the area of the city called Paraporto and the square of the Judayca is believed to correspond to the present-day crossroads of Via Tommaso Cannizzaro and Via 16 On the Jewish Community of Palermo see: A. GIuFFRIDA, “Lu Quarteri di lu Cassaru”. Note sul quartiere del Cassaro a Palermo nella prima metà del secolo XV, in «Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome», 87 (1971), pp. 439-482; E. ASHTOR, Palermitan Jewry in the Fiteenth Century, in «The Hebrew union College Annual», 50 (1979), pp. 219-251; S. DI MATTEO, La giudecca di Palermo dal X al XV secolo, in GIuFFRIDA, SPARTI, DI MATTEO (ed.), Fonti per la storia dell’espulsione degli ebrei dalla Sicilia, cit., pp. 61-84; D. CASSuTO, La meschita di Palermo, in R. LA FRANCA (ed.), Architettura judaica in Italia, Palermo 1994, pp. 29-39; F. GIuNTA, L. SCIASCIA, Sui beni patrimoniali degli ebrei di Palermo, in Italia Judaica, cit., pp.172-252; BRESC, Arabi per lingua Ebrei per religione, cit.; N. BuCARIA, D. CASSuTO, La sinagoga e i miqweh di Palermo alla luce dei documenti e delle scoperte archeologiche, in «Archivio Storico Siciliano», s. IV, 31 (2005), pp. 171-209; M. BEVILACQuA KRASNER, L’onomastica degli ebrei di Palermo nei secoli XV e XIV: Nuove prospettive di ricerca, in «Materia Judaica», XI/1-2 (2006), pp. 97-112; SIMONSOHN, Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit. pp. 5758 and pp. 232-235; G. MANDALà, The Jews of Palermo from Late Antiquity to the Expulsion (598-1492-93), in A. NEF (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, Leiden-Boston 2013, pp. 438-485. 17 ‘OVADyAH yARE DA BERTINORO, Lettere dalla Terra Santa, edited by G. BuSI, Rimini1991, pp. 12-13. 12 GIuSEPPE CAMPAGNA Cesare Battisti, near the bed of the Portalegni stream. As in the rest of the island, in Messina too, the Jews were concentrated mainly around the synagogue, slaughterhouse and baths18. Ovadyah’s account provides us with interesting information also about the city on the Strait: Messina is a center of commerce for the people, and ships from all corners of the earth land here. At the center stands the lighthouse toward which ships from the east and west are directed. There is no other port in the world like this: even large vessels can pull in to shore. It is not as large as Palermo, nor does it have springs that are just as good, but it is beautiful and rich. About four hundred Jewish families live here concentrated in their neighborhood. They are richer than the Jews of Palermo, and they are all craftsmen, save for some merchants. Their synagogue is shaped like an exedra, open in the middle and closed on the four sides; inside there is a well of fresh waters. The organization of the Community as regards the annual election of representatives and other matters is similar to that in Palermo19. The order of expulsion therefore marked a break from the policy of royal protection granted to the Jewish minority, thus wiping away the presence of a significant piece of Sicily’s social and economic life, destroying its cultural and religious identity and consequently preventing any possibility for its return20. There were multiple negative repercussions on Sicily’s economy that led various leading figures of the island’s economic and financial world21 – among whom the officials of the cities of Palermo and Messina – to submit 18 On the Jewish Community of Messina see: I. ELBOGEN, Messina, «Rivista israelitica», I (1904), pp.108-111; F. CHILLEMI, La Giudecca di Messina, in «Città e territorio», 5 (1996), pp. 5-13; M. LONGO ADORNO, Una comunità ebraica nella Sicilia Medievale. Gli ebrei di Messina tra autonomia e subordinazione, «Clio», 4 (1999), pp. 615-635; V. MuLè, Nuovi documenti sulle comunità ebraiche della Sicilia Orientale: Messina, Catania e Siracusa, in «Materia giudaica», IX/1-2 (2004), pp. 231-240; ID., Nuovi documenti sulla comunità ebraica di Messina nel XV secolo, in P. C. IOLy ZORATTINI (ed.), Percorsi di storia ebraica, Atti del XVIII Convegno internazionale dell’AISG, (Cividale del Friuli - Gorizia, 7-9 settembre 2004), udine 2005, pp. 397-407; F. CHILLEMI, Testimonianze ebraiche a Messina, Messina 2009. 19 ‘OVADyAH yARE DA BERTINORO, Lettere dalla Terra Santa, cit., p. 18. 20 A. GIuFFRIDA, Grano contro Ebrei, Un’ipotesi per il riequilibrio della bilancia commerciale siciliana al momento dell’esodo (1492), in «Mediterranea. Ricerche Storiche», 3 (2006), pp. 443. 21 Ivi, p. 464: «Lu conti di Adernò, Ioannes Aloysius de Septimo, P. Iuliano Centelles, Philippu Perdicaru, Alteri di Leofanti, Ioanni di Ansaluni, Petro di Bulogna, Guido Crapona, Bernardino la Crapona, Simon Vivicito, Gaspar Ribesaltes, Antonius Sollima Locumtenens Prothonotarij». Notes on the expulsion of the Jews from Palermo and Messina 13 a report written in Messina to the king, illustrating the many negative impacts that the expulsion of the Jews would have on the island. The report also challenged the very reasons for the edict, denying that Jews were inducing Christians in Sicily to perform Mosaic rites and to apostatize from Christianity. 4. Recently, the report was studied by the Sicilian historian Antonino Giuffrida who challenged the current opinion according to which it had been drawn up in order to plead for being excused from applying the royal order22. In his opinion, the representatives of Sicilian public finance simply described the harm that would have occurred when the Jews would have left Sicily and asked for the postponement of enforcement in order to allow especially Christians to settle their business with the Jews as best as possible and without any negative repercussions. In addition, they also requested the authorization to export Sicilian wheat to ‘Barbary’, i.e., to Mediterranean Africa, to which exports had been banned by royal order to stop trade with the infidels, as a way to compensate for the economic damage caused by the expulsion of the Jews from Sicily23. The negative consequences outlined in the report include: the drop in proceeds from taxes on food, beverages and clothing, since, according to the report, Sicilian Jews spent about a million florins a year in these purchases24. The rental market would have been altered, because it would have been dismantled and various crafts and especially ironworking would have been damaged due to the lack of craftsmen, thus causing a change in market values and altering the balance between supply and demand25. There would have been also numerous difficulties caused by the sudden demographic decline, especially in border territories, such as Malta and Pantelleria, in the case of an Ottoman attack on Sicilian territories.Then there was the risk of insolvency of the Jews toward Christians due to the short time set for their departure26. 5. Another interesting report was submitted to the Viceroy by the autho22 Ivi, pp. 443-464. Ibidem. 24 Ibidem. 25 Ibidem. 26 Ibidem. 23 14 GIuSEPPE CAMPAGNA rities in Palermo on July 11th in which the departure within three months of the Sicilian Jews was considered to be an absolute disaster for Palermo. It asked, based on the privileges of the city of Palermo, for an extension of the deadline for the departure of the Jews to allow the city to negotiate with the king. Considering the frauds and irregularities carried out up to that moment in settling business with the Jews, city authorities stated that even a period of six months would not have been enough to prevent serious damage to the Christians of Palermo27. The Viceroy was also invited to plead for delaying the enforcement of expulsion. The Palermo report too insisted on stating that the causes of the expulsion set out in the decree had absolutely no bearings with the situation in Sicily as confirmed by the fact that the Inquisitor Antonio de la Peña found no cases of Judaizing heresy and that Sicily’s Jews did not practice usury28. Viceroy Fernando de Acuña29, in the span of time between the publication of the edict on the island and the actual departure of the Jews, distinguished himself for having shown a certain degree of goodwill towards the Jews, very probably due also to the protests of Sicilian Christians. He wrote several letters to the king, supporting the cause of the Jews and asking for the postponement of their departure. Ferdinand replied to the Viceroy of Sicily stating that while he acknowledged the real damage caused by expulsion, he was well aware that the measure was a service rendered to God. Therefore, he preferred pleasing the Lord and not the interests of his vassals30. However, considering the various petitions, he granted an extension of two months for the departure to be enforced by the Viceroy on August 24th31. Further extensions were granted. The crown sought to obtain compensation from the Jews for the loss of 27 SIMONSOHN, The Jews in Sicily, cit., doc. 5548, pp. 4789-4792. Ibidem. 29 On the viceroy Fernando de Acuña see: G. MELLuSI, Il viceré de Acuña, la Sicilia, sant’Agata, in G. ZITO, G.M. MILLESOLI, G. MELLuSI, Una santa, una città: Agata e Catania in nuove fonti medievali, Spoleto 2015, pp. 75-131. 30 SIMONSOHN, The Jews in Sicily, cit., doc. 5570, p. 4810: «Entendimos todos los daño e inconvenientes que vos y ellos dezis se siguen assi a nuestras rentas reales como en todo esse reyno en comun y particular a causa de la expulsion dellos, lo qual todo fu por nos bien cionsiderado y previsto antes de poveer la dicha expulsion mas visto quanto en ello es servido nuestro Señor, tovimos por bien de preferir su servicio, como es razon, aqualquiere interesse nuestro y de nuestros vassallos, y assi queremos que en todo caso la dicha expulsion haya devido effecto». 31 Ivi, doc. 5623, p. 4860. 28 Notes on the expulsion of the Jews from Palermo and Messina 15 taxes and revenues resulting from their departure. Informed by his Sicilian officials, the king realized that the huge bureaucratic machine that was set in motion to recover these sums had to be streamlined. On October 31st, the Viceroy ordered to request a lump sum from the departing Jews and granted another forty-day extension. The deadline was further extended to January 12, 1493, justifying the decision with the impossibility to levy the departure tax by the set date in addition to the adverse weather conditions32. The ports of Palermo and Messina became the embarkation points for a large part of the Sicilian Jewish minority. For instance, on August 27th, 350 men, women and children left from Palermo for Calabria, of whom 200 on the vessel owned by Ettore Prelato, and 150 on two other boats. From August to September, the members of the Jewish communities of S. Marco and Castroreale were taken to Messina from where they left the island33. ABSTRACT Il saggio amplia e correda con apparato critico la relazione presentata al Convegno della European Association of Urban History (EAUH) ‘Reinterpreting Cities’ tenuto ad Helsinki (Finlandia) dal 24 al 27 agosto 2016. Il lavoro attua una riflessione sulla cacciata degli ebrei siciliani attuata nel più ampio contesto dell’espulsione di questa minoranza dai domini iberici ad opera di Ferdinando II d’Aragona ed Isabella di Castiglia nel 1492. Vengono analizzate alcune fonti relative all’insediamento degli ebrei nelle città di Messina e Palermo e precisato il ruolo di primo piano svolto dai due centri nei mesi concitati che dalla pubblicazione in Sicilia dell’editto di Granada portarono alla definitiva partenza degli ebrei nel gennaio 1493. 32 ID., 33 Tra Scilla e Cariddi, cit., pp. 487-488. RENDA, La fine del giudaismo siciliano, cit., p. 115.