Political communication

This entry reviews and discusses several issues regarding online friendship. After introducing two opposite perspectives: the cues-filtered-out perspective and the social information process theory, it examines empirical studies with particular focuses on online friendships development, comparisons between online friendship and its offline counterpart, and the impacts of online friendship on the offline life.

Abstract:  This paper presents an argument for considering issues of class in analyses of communicative planning projects. In these projects, class interests tend to be obscured by the contemporary preoccupation with the class-ambiguous category of “community”. Through a case study of a project of urban redevelopment at King's Cross in London, we conceptualize and map class interests in an urban redevelopment project. Three aspects of the planning process that contain clear class effects are looked at: the amount of office space, the flexibility of plans, and the appropriation of the urban environment as exchange or use value. These aspects structure the urban redevelopment but are external to the communicative planning process. The opposition to the redevelopment has in the planning discourse been articulated as “community”-based rather than in class-sensitive terms. We finally present three strategies for reinserting issues of class into planning theory and practice.

This book provides an introduction to political psychology through a focus on European politics and topics. It describes a style of doing political psychology in Europe that has developed out of dialogue with as well as critique of North American approaches. By emphasising the theoretical and methodological diversity of political psychology, the book is intended to contribute to a greater understanding of the strength and utility of the field. • Opens up and extends the study of political psychology to a variety of socio-political contexts and manifestations of political behaviour • Clearly outlines the usefulness and promises of distinctive critical approaches in social and political psychology • Explicitly considers the role of language, communication, identity and social representations in the construction of political meanings. Political Psychology will appeal to upper-level students and scholars who seek to extend their knowledge of the complex relationship between psychology, politics and society.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

Public relations practitioners can assume many different roles in public institutions. The common goal of these different roles is to try to influence the attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of the target groups through effective communication strategies. Thus, support from the public is considered. In this study, it is aimed to find out the effective strategies to improve the quality of the relations with the target groups of public institutions. For this purpose, the relationship between the communicative process established by public institutions with their target groups and relational results were examined. The research conducted on 251 people revealed that perceived communicative skills of local public institutions had positive effects on public relations perceptions (trust, commitment, satisfaction). The most important dimension is satisfaction. On the other hand, a weak relationship was found between the communicative process and control mutuality. This finding indicates that public relations department is not effective in the decision making process in public institutions. The results of the research are proposed to improve the relational results between public institutions and target groups.

Golda Meir's relationship with the gender issue and the feminist movement was complex and ambivalent. This was evident both on the level of public perception in Israel and around the world, and on that of her own identity as a female leader or as a feminist. In 1977, the now defunct Israel Broadcasting Authority’s Channel 1 aired the television program This is Your Life in which Meir was the main guest. While covering mainly Meir's political biography, the three-hour program touched sometimes on the gender issue. This article focuses on examining the latter topic. Through critical viewing and qualitative content analysis of the program, the study sought to examine whether and how the issue of gender stood out throughout Meir's public career. The broadcast was found to include forty-seven gender references. These were classified into six main thinking patterns, among them, Meir's consistent identification with the domestic sphere; her framing as a leader with “feminine” character traits such as humanity, motherhood, and warmth; questioning her leadership ability in relation to “masculine” issues, such as national security; and many references to her personal relationships. The theoretical novelty of the present article lies in the possibility that it proposes examining the biography of a political leader not only through archival documents and collections but also through the mass media. Its main empirical conclusion is that in contrast to past research, the gender issue seems to have been prominent and significant throughout Golda Meir's political life.

TÜRK KAMU SEKTÖRÜNDE BİLGİ VE BİLİŞİM GÜVENLİĞİ
ÖZ

Bu çalışmanın ana amacı, Türk kamu sektöründe bilgi ve bilişim güvenliğinin mevcut durum tespitini yaparak, buradan hareketle birtakım analiz, değerlendirme ve önerilerde bulunmaktır. Belirtilen amaca varmak için öncelikle siber güvenlik kavramı başta olmak üzere, Türkiye’de bilgi ve bilişim güvenliğiyle ilintili kurum ve kuruluşlara yer verilmiştir. Aynı zamanda bu kurum ve kuruluşların sorumlulukları ve görev alanları değerlendirilmiştir. Daha sonra içeriden ve dışarıdan, rekabete ve saldırılara karşı koyabilecek bir bilgi ve bilişim sektörüne sahip olmamız için neler yapılması gerektiği açıklanmıştır. Çalışmanın verileri, ikincil kaynaklara ve ilgili güncel literatüre dayanmaktadır. Diğer bir deyişle, çalışma için gereksinim duyulan veriler, özellikle alanda faaliyet gösteren yetkili ve sorumlu kamu kurumlarından -Ulaştırma ve Altyapı Bakanlığı (UAB), Bilişim Teknolojileri ve İletişim Kurumu (BTK), Siber Güvenlik Kurulu (SGK), Ulusal Siber Olaylara Müdahale Merkezi (USOM), Ulusal Kamu Entegre Veri Merkezi (KEVM), Cumhurbaşkanlığı Dijital Dönüşüm Ofisi (CB-DDO) vb.- web sayfaları, yasal mevzuat, raporlar ile alanda yapılmış akademik yayınlardan derlenmiş ve daha sonra çalışmanın amaçları doğrultusunda analiz edilerek kullanılmıştır. Çalışma, bu alanda ülkemizde önemli adımlar atılmış olmakla birlikte, özellikle ileri düzeyde karşı koymalara hazırlıklı olunması gerektiğini tespit etmiş ve bu konuda hem ilgili profesyonellerde ve hem de toplumda bir farkındalık yaratmanın gerekliliği sonucuna varmıştır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Bilgi, Bilişim, Güvenlik, Bilgi ve Bilişim Güvenliği, Siber Güvenlik, Türkiye

ABSTRACT

The aim of this paper is to determine the current situation of information and informatics security in the Turkish public sector. In order to achieve the aim, firstly, starting with the concept of cyber security, the main institutions which are in charge of information and informatics security are defined and explained. Later, it is discussed that how Turkey can challenge and confront the cyber competitions and attacks come from both inside and outside. The data needed were gathered from the secondary data related to these intsitutions, mainly the institutions which are in charge of the information and informatics security, i.e., Ministry of Transportation and Infra-structure (UAB), The Institution of Informatics Technologies and Communication (BTK), Cyber Security Board (SGK), National Center for Counteracting to Security Attacks (USOM), National Public Data Integrated Center (KEVM), Presidency Digital Transformation Office (CB-DDO) and their web sites, and reports. The collected data are evaluated and analysed in order to achieve the aims of study. The study is concluded that although there are important improvements, the informatics security in Turkey still does need further and counter works to be done, and also to create an awareness for both institutional professionals and citizens in society.

Keywords: Information, Informatics, Security, Information and Informatics Security, Cyber Security, Turkey.

Research on crisis communication has traditionally focused on private organisations’ reputation and blame avoidance strategies. As a result, there is limited knowledge on crisis communication from the perspective of public organisations.This is troublesome as public organisations have substantial responsibilities for preparing, communicating and managing large-scale crisis events. In order to be able to better conceptualise public organisations’ crisis communication, a typology based on communication aims and orientations is introduced. According to the typology, public organisations engage in two dimensions of crisis communication: reputation-oriented vs. resilience-oriented and strategic vs. operational.These dimensions are illustrated and discussed by empirical examples from the Queensland floods of 2010/2011.The paper ends with a discussion on how to understand these dimensions of crisis communication in relation to public organisations’ priorities, processes and practices.

O artigo discute o fenômeno das fake news no âmbito do uso de histórias sobre fatos inventados ou propositalmente alterados para fins políticos. Parte de um breve reconhecimento do efeito da ampla disseminação e consumo de narrativas pretensamente factuais, mas efetivamente falsa, no panorama político e da comunicação política contemporâneo, passa por uma tentativa de organização conceitual das noções envolvidas em uma definição consistente de fake news, tenta reconstruir as grandes linhas dos fenômenos sociais que permitiram a emergência da crise epistêmica na política contemporânea e, por fim, apresenta um estudo com uma amostra de 14 histórias comprovadamente forjadas sobre o tema de fraude nas urnas eletrônicas que circularam durante a campanha presidencial brasileira de 2018.

Wayne Vucinic Book Prize 2007, "for the most important contribution to Russian, Eurasian, and East European studies in any discipline of the humanities or social sciences." 

Endorsement by Slavoj Zizek:

"Alexei Yurchak's Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More immediately seduced me by its very title with a profound philosophical implication that eternity is a historical category--things can be eternal for some time. The same spirit of paradox runs through the entire book--it renders in wonderful details the gradual disintegration of the Soviet system from within its ideological and cultural space, making visible all the hypocrisy and misery of this process. I consider Yurchak's book by far the best work about the late epoch of the Soviet Union--it is not just history, but a pleasure to read, a true work of art." (Slavoj Zizek, author of In Defense of Lost Causes)

Abstract:

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of "late socialism" (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Hakikat ötesi (Post-Truth) kavramı hakikat ve olguların önemini yitirdiği bir döneme işaret etmektedir. Nesnel doğruların, yerini öznel algılara bıraktığı çağımızda iletişim kavramına dair bildiklerimizi yeniden düşünmek zorundayız. “Hakikat ötesi çağ” olarak da adlandırılan bu dönemde, dezenformasyon ve bilgi kirliliğinin yaygınlaşması bir strateji olarak kullanılmış ve algıların olguların önüne geçmesi, hakikati savunanlar için ciddi sınamalara dönüşmüştür. Hakikate ulaşılması ve hakikate dayalı rasyonel kararlar alınması da bu sınamalar nedeniyle ciddi manada zorlaşmıştır. Algı-olgu çatışması, algı yönetimi kavramının günlük hayatımıza yoğun bir şekilde dâhil edilmesine neden olmuştur.
Hakikat ötesi söylemler uçucu ve sanal olmalarına rağmen toplumsal bilinçaltında derin izler bırakabilmektedir. Bu yüzden hakikat ve samimiyet eksenlerine oturmayan bir iletişim anlayışına karşı koyabilmek, ancak doğru inşa edilen ve doğru aktarılan bir “algı yönetimi” kavramı ile mümkün olabilir. Hakikat ötesi ile birlikte sınırları belirsizleşen ve muğlaklaşan kavramlar, akademik bir ahlak ve hakikat anlayışını merkeze alarak tekrar düşünülmelidir. Nitekim, gerçekleri bulanıklaştırmaya çalışarak tezviratı ön plana çıkaran zihniyet ile mücadele etmek ve hakikat savunucusu olmak ancak iyi tasarlanmış bir iletişim stratejisiyle tesis edilebilir.
Ülkemizde ve dünyada, sosyal medya kullanımının yaygınlaşması ve kendi içerisinde sürekli çeşitlenen sosyal medya mecraları, algı yönetimi açısından yeni kanallar açmıştır. Bu mecralar, yeni sosyalleşme alanları kurup dünyanın herhangi bir bölgesindeki bir habere ulaşma imkânı sunarken, bir taraftan da manipülatif paylaşımların ve negatif algı operasyonlarının da odak noktası olmuştur.
Gerçeklere bağlı kalabildiği sürece sosyal medya, algıların doğru şekillendirilmesinde değerli bir kaynaktır. Bu çerçevede, doğru bilgi ve samimiyete dayalı olarak tasavvur edilen iletişim yönetimi, manipülatif paylaşımlara ve negatif algı operasyonlarına meydan okumanın en etkili yöntemi olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
Teknolojik imkanların artmasıyla zenginleşen iletişim kanalları, devletlerin birbirleriyle ve vatandaşlar ile olan ilişkilerini dönüştürmüş; söz konusu ilişkilerin dijitalleşmesinin önünü açmıştır. Dijitalleşen ilişkiler ise hem toplum hem devlet açısından fırsat ve tehditleri aynı anda sunar hale gelmiştir. Öte yandan, dijital dünya, yalan haber ve dezenformasyonun hızla yayıldığı mecralar tarafından tehdit altındadır. Söz konusu tehdidin etkilerinin, en fazla devlet ve vatandaş arasındaki ilişkilerde ortaya çıktığını söyleyebiliriz. Vatandaş-devlet ilişkisinin güçlendirilmesi ve karşılıklı anlayışın sağlanmasına imkân tanıyan dijitalleşme, hakikat eksenli ilerlemediği takdirde vatandaş-devlet ilişkisine zarar verici nitelikte olabilmektedir. Bu kapsamda dijital medya mecralarında samimi bir algı yönetimi kavrayışı, hakikatin anlatılması, vatandaş-devlet ilişkilerine sağlam bir zemin hazırlanması ve şeffaflığın tesis edilmesi açısından stratejik öneme haizdir.
Doç. Dr. Oğuz Göksu editörlüğünde ve değerli akademisyenlerin katkılarıyla, “iletişim” kavramını bütüncül ve kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alan bu eserin, hakikat arayışımızda önemli bir adım olmasını ve okuyuculara katkı sunmasını temenni ederim. 

Prof. Dr. Fahrettin ALTUN
Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İletişim Başkanı

The technological change that was faced in the world caused many changes for
every market. Especially the improvement of Web 2.0 created a new way of
communication which was called as Social media. Social media first accepted by
the common people, in the second step the companies start using social media for
their corporate reputation. The final step was the use of countries, the
governments, the politicians and politic institutions. These three steps caused
social media platforms to be accepted officially by the world. The politics adapted
to social media very quickly. They start using it not only for elections in their
marketing campaigns but in their common life as a communication tool. After
politics started using Facebook and Twitter which are the most popular social
media platforms in the world the communication of politicians had a turn point.
Especially in the 2010s the usage of social media had a tremendous increase around the world. The number one social media platform Facebook, increased its reach to billion, Twitter became the second most important global social media platform in the world. This paper made a descriptive research on the social media usage of Turkey and Greece with a comparison of two countries most popular Facebook and Twitter platforms. The paper will give a look to the social media term and its global usage through politicians for Facebook and Twitter in the first part. In the second part of the paper there will be a research about the most popular Facebook and Twitter accounts of Turkey and Greece. The research will include the quantitative analysis of the highest ten accounts of two countries by June 2018.
The second part of the paper which is the main part of the research made an analysis for the Greek leader Alexis Tsipras and Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s way of communication on their Twitter accounts. There would be a content analysis for the two leaders Twitter accounts for May 2018 and
interpretations will be made.

English: In Menderes Akdağ's book, we witness the historical and metaphorical development of communication tools in the process ranging from the discovering of fire to firearms and from there to today's mass media contents.
Communication is a versatile field of science. Communication sciences examine the multidimensional relations in society on a plane ranging from literature to sports, digital culture to art, politics to engineering, religion to law, and enables us to perceive this in historical flow.
With his interdisciplinary background, Menderes Akdağ enables us to understand how the political and social values ​​developed by humanity are shaped, which tools (media) they have developed, the mental structures of these formations and their indicators in this journey. This book takes us into history of communication.

That book with contact history of communication, especially movies based on their experience on political communication, as well as assesses with reflections on Turkey's private advertising and the provision of the social dimension of the main areas of communication studies, such as interpersonal communication and worldwide communication.
In the book, readers will find an analytical flow rather than a chronological flow, discover analytical connections such as politics and cinema, technology and philosophy, religion and economy, and thus develop a multi-dimensional thinking skill. Akdağ particularly emphasizes the fire and gun metaphor in his book. This is because fire is the driving force of civilization.
With the invention of fire, iron was melted and thus modern architecture was developed, the castles of the Middle Ages were destroyed with the invention of firearms, and the modern world was fictionalized with the development of media systems, and thus the development of sovereignty. The history of communication, in a way, is an effort to understand what kind of a development line the fact of using such tools as a struggle for domination reveals a development line in the historical process.
With the information he conveys in his book, the conceptual maps he draws, the original visuals he uses, the examples he gives from the films, and the comparisons he makes, Akdağ makes the reading process of the book qualified and helps us to draw parallels between the past and the present. The plain language used by the book also help us to understanding of the essence of very complex historical relations.

Turkish: Menderes Akdağ’ın kitabında ateşin bulunmasından ateşli silahlara ve oradan günümüzün ateşli medya içeriklerine uzanan süreçte iletişim araçlarının tarihsel ve metaforik gelişimine tanık oluyoruz. İletişim çok yönlü bir bilim alanıdır. İletişim bilimleri, edebiyattan spora, dijital kültürden sanata, siyasetten mühendisliğe, dinden hukuka uzanan bir düzlemde toplumdaki çok boyutlu ilişkileri inceler ve bunu da tarihsel akış içinde algılamamızı sağlar.
Disiplinler arası birikimiyle Menderes Akdağ, bizi iletişim tarihine çıkardığı bu yolculukta insanlığın geliştirdiği politik ve toplumsal değerlerin nasıl şekillendiğini, hangi araçları (medium) geliştirdiğini, bu oluşumların zihinsel yapılarını ve bunların göstergelerini anlamamızı sağlıyor. İletişim tarihini konu edinen kitap, özellikle siyasal iletişim konusundaki birikimlerine dayanarak sinema, reklam ve kişilerarası iletişim gibi iletişim çalışmalarının ana alanlarının toplumsal boyuttaki karşılıklarını hem dünya genelinde hem de Türkiye özelindeki yansımalarıyla birlikte değerlendiriyor.
Kitapta okurlar, kronolojik bir akıştan çok analitik bir akış bulacak, siyasetle sinema, teknoloji ile felsefe, dinle ekonomi gibi analitik bağlantıları keşfedecek ve böylelikle çok boyutlu bir düşünme becerisi geliştirebilecek. Akdağ, kitabında ateş ve silah metaforunu özellikle vurgulamaktadır. Bunun sebebi ateşin medeniyetin itici gücünü oluşturmasındandır.
Ateşin icadıyla birlikte demir eritilmiş ve böylelikle modern mimari gelişebilmiş, ateşli silahların icadıyla ortaçağın kaleleri yıkılmış ve medya sistemlerinin gelişmesi ile de modern dünya kurgulanabilmiş ve böylelikle egemenlik anlayışlarının gelişmesi söz konusu olmuştur. İletişim tarihi, bir bakıma bu tip araçların birer egemenlik mücadelesi olarak kullanılması gerçeğinin tarihsel süreçte nasıl bir gelişim çizgisi ortaya koyduğunu anlama çabasıdır. Akdağ, kitabında aktardığı bilgiler, çizdiği kavramsal haritalar, kullandığı özgün görseller, filmlerden verdiği örnekler ve yaptığı karşılaştırmalarla kitabın okuma seyrini nitelikli hale getirirken geçmişle günümüz arasında paralellikler kurmamıza da yardımcı oluyor. Kitabın kullandığı sade dil de çok karmaşık olan tarihsel ilişkilerin özünü anlamamıza aracılık ediyor.

The visual reconstruction of shooting at Maidan protesters and journalists demonstrates that Maidan protesters were shot by snipers in the Hotel Ukraina and other Maidan-controlled buildings during the Maidan massacre in Ukraine on February 20, 2014. The bullet holes identified in government forensic expert reports, videos, and photos from directions of the Maidan-controlled buildings are in the area, height, and directions that match the shooting of the protesters.  The forensic examination reports by government investigators, videos and photos by journalists suggest that journalists from ABC (Australia), ARD TV (Germany) twice, Associate Press, BBC, Sky News, and RT in the Hotel Ukraina rooms facing Maidan were shot at from the Maidan-controlled areas. The visual reconstruction and the same data along with videos and media reports by journalists from these media suggest that ABC News (US) and TVP (Poland) journalists in the Hotel Ukraina were most likely shot at by snipers from the Maidan-controlled Bank Arkada. They suggest that a Ruptly reporter in the Hotel Ukraina was hit by a ricochet from a direction of a Berkut barricade. Russian journalists in other three locations of the Hotel Ukraina were shot at by Maidan snipers and/or by Berkut and Omega, which shot at snipers at the Hotel Ukraina.               

The visual reconstruction based on similar data shows that the Berkut police and Omega were generally shooting above protesters at the second and higher floors of the Hotel Ukraina and in electric poles, a flower box, and trees. Synchronized videos show that Maidan protesters in the massacre zone were in a blind spot below the line of Berkut police fire from behind a truck.             

This is an online appendix H of papers presented at the 2018 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association in Boston and the “Regimes and Societies in Conflict: Eastern Europe and Russia since 1956” conference by the Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Uppsala University and the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies in Uppsala in 2018.

ÖZ
Siyasal İletişim Uygulamalarında Siyasal Kültürün Rolü
Oğuz GÖKSU
Çalışmada, 1991 milletvekili genel seçimlerinde Anavatan Partisi’nin ve 2014 yerel seçimlerinde Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’nin siyasal iletişim uygulamalarının siyasal kültür boyutu incelenmiştir. 1991 seçimlerinde ANAP’ın seçim stratejisi Türkiye’yi, Türk toplumunu ve Türkiye’nin kültürel özelliklerini yeterince bilmeyen ithal Fransız reklamcı Jasques Seguela tarafından belirlenmiştir. 2014 seçimlerinde AK Parti ise 2002 yılından beri birlikte çalıştığı Arter Reklam ve Erol Olçak ile birlikte seçim stratejisini oluşturmuştur.
Tek başına iktidarının ikinci döneminde olan ANAP’ın siyasal iletişim uygulamaları, dönemin siyasal atmosferi göz önünde bulundurularak sosyolojik ve ekonomik konjonktür ışığında seçim beyannamesi, gazete ilanları, televizyon reklamları ve seçim şarkıları kültürel kodlar bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir. Üçüncü kez tek başına iktidar olan AK Parti’nin siyasal iletişim uygulamaları, dönemin siyasal atmosferi dikkate alınarak güncel konularla ilintili olarak seçim beyannamesi, gazete ilanları, açık hava reklamları, televizyon reklamları, mitingler ve seçim şarkıları kültürel kodlar düzleminde niteliksel ve niceliksel içerik analizi tekniğiyle incelenmiştir. 
Sonuçta ulaşılan bilgilere göre, Seguela’nın Türkiye’yi tanımadığı ve toplumun siyasal kültür niteliklerini bilmediği ve bu nedenle ANAP’ın seçmen kitlesini yakalayacak siyasal mesajları kültürel unsurlarla birlikte yeterince harmanlayamadığı ortaya çıkmıştır. ANAP’ın siyasal iletişim uygulamaları, Mesut Yılmaz’ı öne çıkarmış ANAP’ın değil, Yılmaz’ın seçim kampanyası algısı oluşturmuştur. AK Parti, Türkiye’nin kültürel çeşitliğinin bir avantaja dönüştürerek ve Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’ın hedef kitlesi üzerindeki etkisini göz önüne alarak seçim kampanyasının stratejisini ve uygulamalarını şekillendirmiştir. AK Parti, siyasal mesajlarını, yararlandığı her mecrada kültürel kodlarla birlikte işleyerek seçmenlerine iletmiştir. AK Parti, siyasal mesajlarını ve seçim vaatlerini güncel konularla ilişkili olarak hedef kitlesinin büyük kısmının içselleştirdiği siyasal kültür zemininde, siyasal tarihten örneklerle ve onların beklentilerine cevap veren bir dil ile çerçevelemiştir.
Anahtar kelimeler: Siyasal Kültür, Siyasal İletişim, Seçim Kampanyası, Anavatan Partisi, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi

This edited volume offers a theoretically driven, empirically grounded survey of the role visual communication plays in political culture, enabling a better understanding of the significance and impact visuals can have as tools of political communication. The advent of new media technologies have created new ways of producing, disseminating and consuming visual communication, the book hence explores the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of visual political communication in the digital age, and how visual communication is employed in a number of key settings. The book is intended as a specialist reading and teaching resource for courses on media, politics, citizenship, activism, social movements, public policy, and communication.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

The concept of political communication refers to both a set of professional practices and a theoretical and scholarly discipline. As a professional practice, the term "political communication" suggests a series of communication processes that have been given labels as varied as propaganda, electoral marketing, political marketing, political campaigning , and political public relations. Political communication has developed into an academic field of inquiry, with foundations in theories and methods from communication , political science, sociology, psychology, marketing, history, rhetoric, and other fields. Its multidisciplinary nature explains the difficulty in finding a straightforward definition. But it is agreed that political communication focuses on interaction between political actors, the media, and citizens, which is marked by its persuasive and strategic character.

Since the ceasefire of the Minsk agreement (Minsk II), media, politics and scholars debate EU-diplomacy concerning the concessions Minks II made towards Russia.

Reflecting EU-Russia-relations, the Ukraine-crisis was not a surprise (see Mearsheimer 2014, Dias 2013). In a long-term perspective, a contradiction appears between Russia’s confirmations of EU-norms and values as mutually shared principles on one hand, and a “fundamental ideological difference” on the other hand (Faw 2010:40, see Monaghan 2013:5pp). Regarding academic research, the problem is not new but still relevant (see Timmermann 2005, The Council of the European Union 2010, Poyraz 2011, Maliukevičius 2013). The Ukraine-crisis challenges relations between EU and Russia. What path will EU and Russia tread?

Picking up on the hint at ideological differences, the thesis questions:

Why does the Ukraine-crisis challenge EU-Russian-relations? Where do the challenges originate? What are their underlying reasons?

The recent crisis in Ukraine can be seen as a challenge of EU-standards in EU-Russian-relations, regarding their implications for EU-diplomacy concerning power and balance of interests in a globalized world. The Ukraine-crisis underlines the role of the Ukraine as a buffer zone at the peak of mutual misunderstanding between EU and Russia.

In the theoretical framework of power/knowledge and discourse after Michel Foucault (1972, 1980), the Master Thesis analyses key concepts of official discourse in EU-Russian relations. With Foucault’s notion of power and picking up on the hint at ideological differences, core concepts of EU-standards, such as democracy, multipolarity, rule of law and modernization, can be “unpacked” in the logic of ‘truth of power’, comparatively or contrasting to the Russian ‘truth of power’.

The research design of qualitative discourse analysis focuses on official resources of EU- and Russian policies in the timeframe of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency in 2000 up to today, concentrating on values and norms as given EU-standard. The Ukraine will be considered in the context of analysis, while the role of the U.S. is given marginal attention, in order to keep the frame of a master thesis.

Michel Foucault himself gave methodological precautions, but not a methodology to put discourse analysis into practice (see ibid. 1980, see Jørgensen/Phillips 2002). Consequently, the methodology of this discourse analysis refers to Laclau and Mouffee’s conception of nodal points and floating signifiers in the framework of their discourse theory, which follows core aspects of Foucault’s approach (see Laclau and Mouffee 1985).1 In order to examine the core assumption, EU-standards, challenged in EU-Russian-relations in the course of the Ukraine-crisis, will be analysed.

EU-standard concepts chosen for analysis are: democracy, multipolarity, rule of law and modernization.

These will be analysed with Laclau and Mouffee’s conception of nodal points and floating signifiers. Data will be collected (official resources), the comprehension of the respective EU- standard concept by each side, Russia and EU, will be examined and verified by examples.

The outcome will be discussed against the theoretical background of a “truth of power”, regarding implications for EU-diplomacy towards Russia and Ukraine’s role as a buffer zone concerning power and balance in a globalized world. Future perspectives of academic research will be envisaged.

Although the history of Communication for Development (C4D) can be traced back to communication studies’ formal establishment in the first half of the twentieth century, the swift expansion of information and communication technologies (ICTs) over the past two decades has re-shaped C4D into a trendy field with growing theoretical and policy attention. Authored by Emile G. McAnany, Saving the World: A Brief History of Communication for Development and Social Change presents a chronological and theoretical summary of communication’s complex role in development and social change as well as the shifts of paradigms within C4D since the end of World War II. According to McAnany, the purpose of this book is three-fold: to explore how theories and practices have evolved along with the development of communication technologies, to evaluate the current status of C4D in the long-term struggle for development and social change, and to better understand the criteria for assessing the influence of C4D-related endeavours.  In this regard, Saving the World is both an intellectual history of communication’s intersections with projects aiming for fostering prosperity, as well as a call for continuing research and policy attention to communication’s great potential in future policy considerations.

"Resumen
Este artículo es el resultado de un trabajo de investigación sobre el poeta español Miguel Hernández: su función como comunicador político y educador en el frente republicano en la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939). En la introducción se presenta al poeta, su función de comisario político. Metodológicamente utiliza el análisis del discurso, que permite diseccionar la forma de ejercitar su vocación de periodista-comunicador político y educador. En la presentación de los resultados se manifiesta su tarea educativa-periodística, que dedica textos a la educación en valores del soldado. Como conclusión, su función social es un producto mixto, polisémico, que reavivaba la moral de los combatientes, al tiempo que les instruía, lo que convierte a Miguel Hernández en un predecesor de la educomunicación de emergencia en tiempo de guerra.

Abstract:
This article is the result of a research project that deepens into the less known facets of the Spanish poet Miguel Hernandez, as political communicator and educator at the republican front during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939).In the introduction, the poetis presented in his charge of political commissar, who produced political communication in the newspapers of the republican front, together with education and formation. From the methodological perspective, his texts are studied through Discourse Analysis that enables observing his way of developing his vocation as journalist/political communicator and educator: 1)journalist, as he wrote in different war newspapers; 2)political communicator due to his responsibility as political commissar; and 3) educator by means of the his texts, those of a poet compromised with the war, who is emotionally moving to every soldier in the trenchs;  transversal because his texts written in a poetic style, ideologized or politized, transcend journalism .In the presentation of the results,his educative-journalist task is over whelming He devotes his texts to education for values of soldiers. As conclusion, his social function is a mixed, multifaceted and discoursive one that is impregnated with poetry and passion, that serves to better the mood of soldiers, while being instructed, which turns Miguel Hernández into the predecessor of educommunication / media literacy (one of emergency in war time)."

Although complaining is well-recognized by psychologists and economists, its political potential is still far from obvious. Dissatisfaction with social services, non-democratic relationships between authorities and citizens, and the ignoring of significant social identities are communicated in everyday conversations. Even when complaining is perceived as 'grumbling', the informal nature of the communicated inconveniences may be more important than the formal participatory instruments through which collective claims are placed. Criticism and communication of grievances can lead to political activism only in particular circumstances. This article provides a conceptual frame of complaining enhancing into political claims. The proposed frame distinguishes between inactive complaining and complaining aimed at making a change, which may be reinforced or reduced. The essential role in this process of complaining is given to the objects of complaints/addresses, and agents such as media, politicians, institutions such as NGOs, social movements, whistleblowers, activists and leaders.

System on programmable chip for the performance estimation of loom machine, which calculates the efficiency and meter count for weaved cloth automatically. Also it calculates the efficiency of loom machine. Previously the same was done using manual process which was not efficient. This article is intended for loom machines which are not modern.

Highly competitive and multi-channel media environment requires extremely careful attention to the matter of TV programming, insufficiently studied in Russian theory of television journalism. The article focuses on the features of the thematic channels programming on the example of the urban news channel «Moscow 24». The analysis of genre, thematic priorities of the channel, as well as the main principles of scheduling strategies show that the basis of the channels programming is the block of programs from news to news, filled interchangeable content. Large quantities of repetitions lead to the fact that the hours of broadcast in the same time interval are slightly different. Programming techniques related to the inertia of audience's TV viewing are not used. As a prime-time period for the «Moscow 24» should be considered the period of early morning. On the air we can see a lot of reportage and the interview. All type of thematic can be determined as a social journalism. «Moscow 24» is targeted at the young active audience. One of the goals of the channel is the creation of a positive image of the Moscow authorities and context for the perception of topics relevant to the city's policy.

This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states.

This paper describes the use of adaptation patterns in the task of formulating standards for adaptive educational hypermedia (AEH) systems that is currently under investigation by the EU ADAPT project. Within this project, design dimensions for high granularity patterns have been established. In this paper we focus on detailing lower granularity adaptive patterns based upon learning styles. Several patterns from existing AEH system case studies are identified and classified according to an extended learning style "onion" model. This model forms the basis of a learning style taxonomy, introduced here, whose components determine adaptation patterns for AEH. These patterns are of importance both for authoring, as well as for interfacing between adaptive hypermedia systems. From an authoring point of view, these patterns may be used to establish a fine-grain approach to instructional strategies that can be implemented in AEH systems, as a response to a particular learning style. The implementation of this adaptation pattern taxonomy is discussed, both generally and in detail.

In the course of election campaigns politicians and political parties try their best to highlight their most favored topics that would help them draw public attention and increase people’s regard for specific political figures. In contrast to the positive communication content announced during an election campaign, candidates sometimes choose negative messages that focus on their opponents’ weaknesses (real or imagined) rather than their own strengths. The goal of this research is to identify the forms and means of negative communication used in political video advertisements during Lithuanian parliamentary election of 2016. To achieve our goal, we analyze the political video advertisements that were categorized as negative communication. We categorize and analyze those advertisements by using concepts of forms of negativity and targets of negativity. Our findings suggest that negative communication is being used by Lithuanian political organizations, but it is the positive one that...

India records a high incidence of Human Papillomavirus (HPV)-related infections and cancers, with cervical cancer being the second biggest cause of mortality among women with cancer in the country. Immunization against the high-risk HPV serotypes can efficiently prevent related diseases. The HPV vaccine was recommended to be added to the Universal Immunization Program (UIP) of India by the National Technical Advisory Group on Immunization (NTAGI) in 2017. However, following a controversial vaccine trial in 2009 and a pending decision on a related legal case, the Government of India has refrained from including the vaccine in the UIP. This study is an analysis of the media coverage of HPV-related issues and HPV vaccine-related sentiment in English language news media in India from 2015 to 2018. The sampled news media for the study include four national daily newspapers, The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express and Hindustan Times; and two Indian news websites, The Wire and Scroll.in. Results based on the sentiment analysis of the media coverage reveal a predominantly positive sentiment towards the HPV vaccine with a marginal presence of thematically framed negative and contested opinion against the vaccine. The analysis of media framing of the issue reveals a prevalence of authoritative frames devoid of exemplification, and extensive use of behavioral determinants of health to establish responsibility in HPV-related health status.

Following recent studies using Bourdieusian field theory to examine journalistic freedom and media criticism, we investigated the Turkish press using a comparative perspective focusing on the media’s interaction with the nexus of power/government and market mechanisms. Using a snapshot of four Turkish newspapers in 2013, we analyzed their critical content vis-a-vis reporting about the government. To explain differences of criticism across these media outlets, we extended our qualitative and quantitative analyses to three sociopolitically key years with regard to the consolidation of governmental power. Our results indicate that what explains media criticism goes beyond structural factors and should also involve both between- and within-field variations, emphasizing media as a semiautonomous field.

Planung und Evaluation im Public-Affairs-Management (PA) erfordern eine strategische Vorstellung von Ziel-Mittel-Relationen sowie Verlaufs- und Ergebnisinformationen über Veränderungen. Der Beitrag gibt in drei Teilen einen Überblick über Probleme und Lösungsideen dieser Aufgabe, die weniger der schematischen Kontrolle als der Strategiekompetenz und Lernkultur dienen sollte. Der erste Abschnitt umreißt die Ambivalenzen und Grenzen der PA-Metrie und legt dar, wie Werttreiber und Wirkungsmodelle einen Planungs- und Evaluationsrahmen für einzelne Messkonzepte bilden. Die zwei folgenden Abschnitte erläutern praktische Anwendungen: Bewertungstechniken für dauerhafte Verbandsmitgliedschaften von Unternehmen und stärker projektbezogen für das Lobbying bei Einzelvorhaben.