Propaganda

Thèse de doctorat en histoire de l'art, soutenue le 13 novembre 2020 à l'université Paris Nanterre, sous la direction de Rémi Labrusse et Christian Joschke.

PhD dissertation "Graphic Propaganda : Photomontage in the Visual Culture of the French Left (1925-1939)". Université Paris Nanterre, 2020. Under the supervision of Rémi Labrusse and Christian Joschke.

Cette étude porte sur la place du photomontage dans le graphisme français de l’entre-deux-guerres, plus particulièrement dans la presse illustrée, l’affiche et la propagande politique. Fondé sur la combinaison d’éléments photographiques de façon à créer des images composites, généralement reproduites par impression photomécanique, le photomontage a été promu par les graphistes d’avant-garde mais aussi par les éditeurs de presse à grand tirage. Il devient à partir des années 1920 un élément caractéristique de la culture visuelle moderne, jusqu’à investir très largement les pavillons de l’Exposition internationale de 1937. Si les développements du photomontage en URSS et en Allemagne sont bien connus, la France a souvent été considérée comme réticente à l’usage de ce procédé, privilégiant un modernisme mesuré et un ancrage dans le dessin. En analysant le rôle des réseaux culturels communistes dans le développement du photomontage politique, nous identifions des phénomènes de transferts culturels étroitement liés à la sociabilité militante. L’étude de la production imprimée des organisations de gauche permet d’expliciter les fonctions attribuées à l’image comme moyen d’influence politique. Sur le plan iconographique, les photomontages se caractérisent par des procédés rhétoriques qui orientent la lecture du document photographique. Sur le plan du montage, s’opère une conjonction de temporalités hétérogènes. En prêtant une attention particulière à la fois aux conditions de production, aux réseaux d’acteurs et aux discours de légitimation, nous proposons un essai en iconologie politique qui en même temps se situe au plus près de la matérialité des images.

This study examines the place of photomontage in French graphic design between the two world wars, particularly in the illustrated press, posters and political propaganda. Based on the combination of photographic elements to create composite images, generally reproduced by photomechanical printing, photomontage was promoted by avant-garde graphic designers but also by editors of large-circulation magazines. From the 1920s onwards, it became a characteristic element of modern visual culture, until it was widely used in the pavilions of the 1937 Exposition internationale in Paris. While the developments of photomontage in the USSR and Germany are well known, France was often considered to be reluctant to this technique, favouring instead a measured modernism and drawn illustrations. By analysing the role of communist cultural networks in the development of political photomontage, we identify phenomena of cultural transfer closely related to militant sociability. The study of the printed production of left-wing organisations makes it possible to clarify the functions attributed to the image as a means of political influence. On the iconographic level, photomontages are characterised by rhetorical processes which guide the reading of the photographic document. On the level of montage, they allow for a conjunction of heterogeneous temporalities in a single image. By paying attention to the conditions of production, to the networks of actors and to the discourses of legitimation, this essay in political iconology remains as close as possible to the materiality of images.

These two volumes contain the official proceedings of the international symposium «School Exercise Books: a Complex Source for a History of the Approach to Schooling and Education in the 19th and 20th Centuries» (Macerata, September 26-29, 2007).
The school exercise book in the contemporary age can be seen both an essential teaching aid and as a formidable tool for communication, thus as a unique source for exploring school culture and the approach to education in a given historical context. From cover to content, and including the codification process in its capacity as a material object, the school exercise book can tell us a great deal about the history of schools and education, about teaching methods and language, and about the educational projects and policies that the various nation states sought to implement in the 19th and 20th centuries. Within that framework, the history of education and literacy goes hand in hand with the history of educational ideas and of concrete educational practice, offering hitherto unexplored scenarios for research. These proceedings – which include papers submitted by scholars from all over the world (Europe, America and the Far East) – offer a broad panorama of the potential (and the limits) of such a complex source with its wealth of implications. They represent a corpus of study and enquiry based on a truly exhaustive and complete range of methods and tools of investigation. The exercise book seen as a vessel for writing, as a testimonial of educational practice as implemented by teachers, and as an essential part of the political and cultural socialisation pursued in schools, helps us to focus the historical and educational dynamic on the relationships that impart concrete substance to the rapport between educational theory, teachers, institutes of education and education policy on the one hand, and the real-life players – the men, women and children – who experienced those relationships in the first person.

During the 15 years of civil war (1975–90), political posters filled the streets and charged the walls of cities all over Lebanon. As the ongoing war formed an intrinsic aspect of everyday life in Lebanon, the graphic signs and political rhetoric of posters became a prevalent sight/reading that shaped the cityscape. The political parties strove to legitimize and sustain their political struggle while battling for power and territorial control. Their military engagement on the battlefronts was coupled with a relentless battle of signs and symbolic appropriation of territory through extensive poster production and distribution.

How to make sense of political posters’ nature of operation in the context of civil war? How does one poster, out of many on the same wall, hail to a specific person and at once be contested by another?
If we begin to rethink the concept of propaganda and question the models of communication on which its various definitions are built, perhaps we could move beyond the reductive notions of ‘mass persuasion’, ‘coercion’ and ‘deceit’. We could then undertake a more complex examination of the posters as inscribed in the socio-political institution of political communities during civil war time. In this chapter, I present the limits of the concept of propaganda and argue for alternative theoretical tools, which allow me to advance a conceptualization of political posters as symbolic sites of hegemonic struggle over meaning and political discourse.

Throughout the Second World War, a wide variety of methods were used to promote the actions and characters of the aviators in the Royal Air Force in Britain. In particular, flying clothing was repeatedly included in visual representations of these aviators to encourage their recognition and appreciation by the British public. This article examines visual representations of Royal Air Force aviators and their flying clothing in material including posters and films produced for domestic consumption in Britain during the Second World War (1939 1945). It is argued that the symbolic use of flying clothing in visual material produced and circulated during this period can be divided into three categories of use as propaganda: as a symbol to aid audiences' identification of aviators; as a means to invite interest and fascination with the Royal Air Force; and as a visual representation to characterise and contextualise depictions of aviators and their surroundings. This usage served to promote Royal Air Force aviators in a manner that encouraged recruitment as well as enhanced popular support for the Royal Air Force and its contribution to Britain's war effort.

Focusing on many previously untranslated articles in popular national magazines and newspapers, as well as works by prominent racial theorists, this chapter traces how outrage was systematically fomented against Jews in Nazi-era Germany, creating perceived imperatives for drastic discriminatory measures. Rather than locate the core of Nazi antisemitism in historical or psychological factors, this study approaches antisemitism using the theoretical framework of risk communication. The heuristics of risk perception reveal an array of rhetorical tactics that fomented visceral aversion impervious to logical refutation. Portrayals of Jews as embodying maximal and uncontrollable risk, political, academic, and mass media discourse converged on the theme of Jews as posing unacceptable dangers that required progressively more drastic measures to control. The principles of risk communication, especially the means of inflaming outrage, could furnish useful interpretive frames for analyzing current antisemitism and other types of repressive discourse.

my theme is the question is there a US death squad?  I write about CIA assassination of honestly elected foreign leaders and of course the North American mafia make war against other families over territory.  I limit my list to only those cases with hard evidence or someone was scheduled to testify in court , at a grand jury, or at a Congressional investigative committee.

Siyasal iletişim, insanlık tarihi boyunca, iktidar savaşlarının sürdüğü her yerde bu mücadelenin önemli bir ideolojik silahı olmuş, kitleleri etkilemek, iktidara gelmek, iktidar konumunu sürdürmek, toplumları güdülemek amacıyla kullanılmıştır.

Antik Yunan'dan, "propaganda" teriminin ortaya çıktığı 17. yüzyıldaki Katoliklik dünyasına, 1789 Fransa'sından Sovyet Devrimi'ne, İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndaki propaganda tekniklerinden "soğuk savaş" dönemine, tarihin her döneminde kullanılan siyasal iletişim, günümüzde yepyeni boyutlar kazanmıştır. Medya çağında, ABD'den Avrupa'nın pek çok ülkesine seçim savaşlarının önemli bir aracı olmuş, 1950'lerden günümüze, Türkiye'deki seçim kampanyalarında da önemli bir yer tutmuştur. Hiç şüphesiz siyasal iletişim strateji ve teknikleri, seçim kampanyalarında kullanıldığı kadar modern medya toplumunda yaşanan ideolojik mücadelede de önemli yer tutmaktadır.

Siyasal iletişim olgusunu anlamak için yetkin bir çalışma, temel bir başvuru kaynağı olan bu kitap, 21. yy'da çok kapsayıcı boyutlar kazanmış olan siyasal iletişim olgusunu tarihi süreç içinde ele alırken, özellikle ABD, Avrupa ve Türkiye'deki seçim kampanyaları, modern toplumda kitle manipülasyonu, kamuoyu araştırmacılığı, basın, radyo ve televizyon gibi iletişim araçları, internet devrimi ile başlamış olan yeni medyanın etkileri de ele alınmaktadır.

Sayfa Sayısı: 440

Baskı Yılı: 2015


Dili: Türkçe
Yayınevi: İmge Kitabevi

Türkiye, uzun yıllardan beridir çeşitli ideolojilerde ve yapılarda terör örgütleriyle çeşitli yoğunluklarda mücadele etmiş ve etmeye devam eden bir ülkedir. Kürdistan İşçi Partisinin de (PKK- Partîya Karkerên Kurdistanê) bu terör örgütlerinin başında geldiği bilinmektedir. Ayrıca ülkeye maddi ve manevi anlamda verdiği zararlar çok büyük boyutlara ulaşmıştır. Bir terör örgütü olarak PKK, eylemlerinde silahlı yöntemlerin yanı sıra bu eylemleri ge-niş kitlelere ulaştırma, meşruiyet iddiasını sağlamlaştırma ve ele-man temini amacıyla yoğun biçimde propaganda faaliyetleri de yürütmektedir. Özellikle XXI. yüzyıl bağlamında terör örgütleri-nin propagandayı bir mücadele yöntemi olarak benimseme eğili-minin gün geçtikçe artış göstermesiyle PKK da propaganda uygu-lamalarını sürekli genişletmiş ve çeşitlendirmiştir.
Çalışmanın sonucunda hem Türkiye‟nin
hem de PKK‟nın propaganda dili, söylemi ve uygulamalarının
2000‟li yıllarda değişim gösterdiği, propagandanın giderek iki taraf
için de önem kazandığı savlanmaktadır. Son olarak da çalışmada,
Türkiye‟nin terörle mücadelede benimsediği propaganda yöntemleri
ve uygulamalarıyla PKK‟nın propaganda uygulamaları karşılaştırılmakta,
tespit ve önerilere yer verilmektedir.

Cold War was the way of life between the Soviet Union and the West for many years. Since the war was not actual, battles were fought in buffer countries, sports arenas and last but not least in the media. Many today might still remember the cold war rhetoric of 1980ies when Washington, which TASS described as able to “…think only in terms of confrontation and bellicose, lunatic anticommunism” (Britannica) considered the USSR to be “Guided by a policy of immoral and unbridled expansionism…" (Farnham, 2001).

EŞREF: Kuşçubaşı’nın Alternatif Biyografisi, gayrinizami harp tarihimizin en meşhur ismini en insani özellikleriyle ortaya koyan sıradışı bir kitap…

Adı tarihe Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın kurucusu ve ilk başkanı olarak geçen Eşref Kuşçubaşı gerçekte kimdi? Ömrünü gayrinizami harp ve istihbarat faaliyetleriyle geçiren bir kahraman mı? Yoksa Milli Mücadele sırasında Yunan saflarına geçerek yıllar boyunca Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne karşı savaşan bir vatan haini mi?

Gayrinizami harp ve istihbarat tarihi uzmanı Polat Safi, bu sorulara Eşref Kuşçubaşı’nın çoğu gün yüzüne yeni çıkmış olan şahsi evrakına dayanarak hazırladığı alternatif biyografiyle yanıt veriyor: EŞREF, yakın tarihimizin, hakkında
çok şey yazılıp çizilmesine karşın aslında hala bir muamma olan bu tartışmalı figürüne dair ezberleri bozuyor ve ona önce bir insan, sonra tarihi bir kişilik olarak yeniden ayna tutuyor.

Bu kitap aynı zamanda yakın tarihimizi ilgilendiren birçok karanlık noktayı da aydınlatıyor: Eşref, Arabistan Devrimci Komitesi diye bir örgüt kurdu mu? Çok yakın olduğunu iddia ettiği Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Enver Paşa ve Çerkes Ethem’le nasıl bir ilişkisi vardı? Garbi Trakya Hükümeti ve Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın başkanlığını yaptı mı? Mehmet Akif Ersoy, “Çanakkale Destanı”nı onunla birlikte gittiği Necid görevi sırasında mı yazdı? Eşref, Yakup Cemil hadisesinde nasıl bir rol oynadı? Milli Mücadele aleyhindeki ayaklanmalarda payı oldu mu? Neden Yunan tarafına geçti? Atatürk’e suikast girişimindeki rolü neydi? ve daha nicesi…

The Philippine-American War (c.1899 – 1913), which led to the colonial subjugation of the Philippines by the United States for over forty years and the suppression of the first independent republic in South-East Asia, is one of America’s forgotten wars. The historical amnesia surrounding this conflict is no accident. It is an enduring legacy of US government and military propaganda, widely disseminated by a largely supportive corporate press, which contributed in no small way to the American victory both at home and abroad. Propaganda is understood here as the deliberate falsification, distortion or tendentious portrayal of events to justify a political cause to the wider public. What I want to argue about this case, is that successful propaganda does not occur in the context of an otherwise rational and empirically verifiable public discourse. Successful war propaganda has to be reconciled with the self-respecting, symbolic self-interpretations of a national community. In the case of the United States, founded in part on a revolutionary republican imaginary but also a racialised and expansionist missionary vision of “Manifest Destiny”, this was not a simple or uncontested matter back in 1899.

This article provides a brief account of the American conquest of the Philippines and the attendant atrocities that accompanied the invasion. It will also explain how these brutal events were justified to the American public as hard but necessary acts of “Benevolent Assimilation”, for the benign tutelage of the Filipino. In particular, attention is paid to how propaganda was used to justify a colonial war, dehumanize the Filipino “other”, rationalize atrocities and erase alternative interpretations of events from the official record.

Russia has received a lot of attention from the American press and government agencies since "meddling" in the United States' 2016 electoral process. Using new media, Russian groups succeeded in disrupting and otherwise influencing American public opinion, aiming to polarize the public and undermine democratic processes. The Kremlin-produced English-language news station, RT, is usually treated as an afterthought considering Russia's multi-faceted influence campaigns. But little is known about RT's American audiences. Who are these Americans who choose Russian news? What motivates them? According to new media performance measurements, RT has an outsized online presence, tapping new media tools to gain audiences. New distribution opportunities allowed Russian media to circumvent the high economic barriers to entry that, for years, effectively guarded US media markets. But RT is disruptive in another, more politically salient way. The channel advertises itself as a means to escape biased, mainstream media deceptions and omissions. 1 If brand messaging is any indication, RT courts Americans skeptical of mainstream media and critical of American foreign policy. To date, this audience, its size, its political contours, and its motivations are sources of speculation but remain undefined. This research seeks to better define RT's audiences using surveys of American foreign news users. This proposal outlines the rationale for investigating Russia's American viewers by reviewing research on RT's content and the strategic aims of Russia to formulate testable hypotheses about RT's American viewers.

Az 1809-es osztrák–francia háború Ausztriában és Magyarországon is számos innovatív, de
hosszabb időtartamban szemlélve kivételesnek számító megoldást hozott a „népi-nemzeti háború”
gondolata jegyében minél szélesebb körben végrehajtani kívánt katonai mozgósítás és
az ennek szolgálatába állított hivatalos propaganda tekintetében. Különösen Ausztriát illetően
az újítások szervezeti és ideológiai értelemben is számos ponton tetten érthetők a korábbi
és későbbi francia háborúk mobilizációihoz képest. Szervezetileg mindenekelőtt a közvetlen
kormányzati irányítás és finanszírozás megléte és a változatos propagandatechnikák komplex,
extenzív alkalmazása érdemel figyelmet, különös tekintettel a nyomtatás térhódítására. Ideológiai
értelemben pedig a patrióta-nemzeti beszédmód különféle regisztereinek az egyes technikákhoz
kötődő párhuzamos és szegmentált használatát szükséges kiemelni. Az alkotmányos
különállására, tradicionális hadszervezetére (inszurrekció) és a nemesi politikai nemzet kollektív
identitására tekintettel sajátos helyzetben lévő Magyar Királyságban az osztrák-birodalmi
hivatalos propaganda által alkalmazott technikák és ideológiai megoldások is adaptációra
szorultak. A dolgozat célkitűzése, hogy a magyarországi, s mindenekelőtt az inszurrekcióra
irányuló hivatalos propaganda felépítését és működését a Habsburg monarchia szélesebb kontextusában
vázolja fel.

Az 1986. április 26-án történt csernobili atomkatasztrófa máig számos egészségügyi, politikai, energetikai, társadalmi kérdést vet fel, és élénken foglalkoztatja a közvéleményt. A baleset utáni első napokban, amikor már a sérült reaktortól több ezer kilométerrel távolabb is észlelték a szakemberek a radioaktív sugárzás jelentős megemelkedését, és már azt is tudták, hogy súlyos erőműsérülésről van szó, amely vélhetően Kelet-Ukrajna területén történt, a Szovjetunió nem reagált a hivatalos diplomáciai megkeresésekre. Később letagadta, hogy tudomása lenne atomerőmű-balesetről, végül két nappal később, április 28-án este egy kormányközleményben elismerték a történteket. Az első információhiányos napok hatással volt a magyar tájékoztatásra is – a hírközlés minősége máig vitatott kérdés.
Az atomkatasztrófa hazai médiareprezentációjáról akkor lehet komplex képet kapni, ha azt a korabeli politikai-tájékoztatáspolitikai kontextusban vizsgáljuk, és közben felfejtjük azt is, hogy a Magyar Szocialista Munkáspárt vezetésének milyen információi voltak a történtekről. Dolgozatomban előbb ismertetem a korabeli magyar médiarendszer sajátosságait, majd a levéltári források alapján annak járok utána, hogy mikor és miről értesült a pártvezetés a csernobili atomkatasztrófa után napokban, és milyen hazai intézkedések léptek érvénybe. Végül röviden bemutatom, hogy a magyar lakosság mikor és milyen tájékoztatást kapott a hivatalos közleményekből.

“The Soviet Comrades Do Not  Inform Us”  /
Measures after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster and the  media representation of the accident in Hungary
From The Chernobyl nuclear disaster of 1986 was a complex case with several aspects: it was a health threat, it showed the technical backwardness of the Soviet Union, and it was also a political issue which still arouses the interest of the public. Due to the accident, the nuclear cloud polluted an area of over 30,000 square kilometers and reached Western European territories as well. The Soviet officials first held back all information, and then denied knowing anything about the accident. Two days later, after many official Western diplomatic inquiries, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (cpsu) issued a short announcement on 28 April, in which they admitted the fact of the disaster. The first insufficient information had a significant impact on the Hungarian information policy, and the communication of the disaster is still a controversial topic in Hungary.
Media representation of the Chernobyl nuclear accident should be analyzed in a complex way considering the local and global political context, the local characteristics of the Soviet communist media system and also regarding the information which was available to the Hungarian political leaders. In this paper I attempt to show how this crisis communication case was managed in Hungary. First, I describe the local characteristics of the media system. Secondly, using official archival sources, I try to reveal what was told by the Soviet officials in the first days and what measures were introduced in Hungary. And finally, I will show when and what was communicated through the stateowned Hungarian media about the disaster.

Logics of Propaganda
Part Two. The Conspiratorial Logic of Populist Propaganda
Within the framework of the more general logics of propaganda outlined in Part One, Part Two of this study aims to shed light on the recently growing populist-propaganda front. In contrast to many researchers who speak of a ‘populist wave’ recently spreading almost across the world (from Putin to Trump and back), on the level of discourses we prefer to call this phenomenon ‘populist-propaganda front’. This newly coined term presupposes that the dispersed popular discontents have, to a great extent, already been captured and packaged in a new propaganda regime. Gradually after 2000, the new populist-propaganda package (basic grammar and vocabulary) was produced by Russian media, but Russia does not determine all of its uses; it can be and is used in anti-Russian rhetoric as well. This package – national-sovereignist and conservative in its own terms – does not serve the interests of the local people but is utilized by different local politico-economic actors (oligarchs): it is a circulating resource for state capture. The particular practical logic of this populist propaganda is outlined here on the basis of the empirical study on Anti-Democratic Propaganda in Bulgaria. News Websites and Printed Media: 2013 – 2016.
First, the populist-propaganda logics are based entirely on a conspiratorial grammar. The narrative figure of conspiracy, after a morphological analysis following Vladimir Propp, can be logically represented as a multiple relation with three logical positions: 1. Conspirator (Puppet-master, Villain) – 2. Helpers (Puppets) – 3. Victim (potential Hero). Populist propaganda totalizes this elementary conspiratorial grammar: everything in the (political and economic) world is a conspiracy. The scene of the conspiracy is the globe. Hence the position of the ‘Conspirator’ is translated into a geopolitical position: the usual suspect – the global Villain – is ‘the West’ (or the USA, NATO, Brussels, Soros, capitalism, liberalism, multiculturalism, etc., all of them metonymically substituted on demand).
Second, by totalizing conspiracy, populist propaganda totalizes cynicism: its first message is that everyone is pursuing their own self-interest. Every other normative and political standard (presumably invoked to limit selfish self-interests – human rights, the rule of law, the separation of powers, etc.) is discredited in advance as an ideological smokescreen hiding the conspiracy.
Third, the only legitimate interest is the people’s interest. But here a set of propaganda operations with the meaning of ‘the people’ takes place. 1. Using the Left repertoire of discrediting Western liberal capitalism, propaganda omits the inclusive Left meanings of ‘the people’ and substitutes them with exclusive ‘Right meanings’ (it is strategically targeted at the local majority represented in an ethnically-nationalist holistic mode); 2. The people’s interest and the people’s sovereignty are also strategically substituted by the state’s sovereignty (in geopolitical étatist terms); 3. But the state’s sovereignty understood as the existence of strong and mutually independent institutions is also strategically replaced by the ‘personal sovereignty’ of one strong and charismatic political leader. On the Bulgarian media scene, Putin and Orbán are usually cast in the role of real sovereign leaders countering the conspiracy of the West.
In conclusion, contemporary populist propaganda is racist (excludes on a racial basis), isolationist (excludes international normative regulations and control), and authoritarian (on the internal level, it excludes the institutional separation of powers and blocks civic resistances). It is not only a Russian weapon but also an effective local device for state capture for every oligarch fighting against all forms of public control (internal and external) and utilizing the state as a tool for securing economic advantages.
Keywords: logics, grammar, populist propaganda, conspiracy, state capture.

Fake news is hardly new in journalism, and a sense of historical perspective
is clarifying. A thumbnail history in Columbia Journalism Review pointed to some superficial similarities in hoaxing over the ages “in editorial motive or public gullibility, not to mention the blurred lines between deliberate and accidental flimflam.” It cautions that “the great fake news panic of 2016” is an overreaction to “macro-level trends” that do not indicate real, significant changes in the media. But before agreeing to shrug off the significance of the 2016 spate of hoaxing, it is worth reviewing the history more carefully.

What is Justice? How is it related to Faith? These questions are considered in the context of Empire’s propaganda and the truth of God’s alternative. The truth is: God is open to us in our very otherness, inspiring us to be open to each other. Faith is the recognition of this and the response to it. Justice is rooted in such openness to each other, whereas our being closed to each other causes injustice. But when we recognise this, we must also see our continuing complicity with injustice; when we name the distinction between Empire and Kingdom, we must not exclude current agents of Empire; when we are clear about the difference, we must not forget that, ultimately, God’s openness shakes all such divisions and builds a greater solidarity. So the writing is on the wall – through Daniel, Jeremiah, and Mark 3: 20-30 – warning us not to falsify God’s openness.

The Munich Agreement is a highly emotional topic for the majority of Czechs and a considerable number of Slovaks. Yet knowledge of the events that led to Munich, and the Munich Conference itself, is characterised by a lack of understanding of its history and by black-and-white thinking. A key reason for the emotional reaction from a significant proportion of the Czech and Slovak population is both the forty years of use and misuse of the issue in communist propaganda, but also how the event has been treated by the mainstream media, within the historiography, and represented in politics and culture. Building on the previous historiography and using a wide range of primary sources, this chapter offers a brief description and analysis of the communist regime’s use of Munich in its historiography, ideology and propaganda. For the forty years of the communist regime, propaganda consistently portrayed Munich as follows: France and the United Kingdom were responsible for the Munich disaster, their treachery motivated by an imperialist desire to direct Hitler against the Soviet Union and let him destroy communism. They were helped in this by a Czechoslovak bourgeoisie who colluded with the foreign capitalists to make Munich possible. The Munich Agreement served as a legitimising tool throughout the four decades of communist rule. And, despite this regime collapsing in 1989, this narrative of Munich still affects Czechs and Slovaks today.

Participation in the ideological and political training of the communist party was one of the fundamental duties for its members and individual organizations. Its primary goal was to maintain the proper ideological level of members, create a scheme for promotion in the party’s hierarchy and indirectly, to gradually increase the party’s influence on society. A training system was permanent, applicable to everyone and perpetual in order to shape and consolidate a uniform communist mentality, along with faithfulness and dedication to the organization. It was not only a way to improve the qualifications necessary for party and bureaucratic work, but above all to maintain party activists in constant ideological readiness. The forms of communist training, which were conducted in voivodeship party structures in Poland in 1975-1990, such as candidates’s training, mass training, activists’ training along with the Evening Univeristy of Marxism-Leninism, circle training, lecturers’ training, prove that the communist party attached great significance to this aspect at that time.
Uczestnictwo w systemie kształcenia ideologiczno-politycznego partii komunistycznej stano-wiło jeden z podstawowych obowiązków członków i poszczególnych organizacji partyjnych. Ich celem było utrzymanie odpowiedniego poziomu ideowego członków, stworzenie schema-tu awansowania w hierarchii partyjnej, a pośrednio stopniowe zwiększanie oddziaływania par-tii na społeczeństwo. System szkoleniowy był permanentny, obowiązywał wszystkich i miał trwać stale, aby ukształtować oraz utrwalać jednolitą mentalność partyjną, a przy tym wier-ność i oddanie organizacji. Stanowił nie tylko sposób na ciągłe podnoszenie kwalifikacji do pracy partyjnej i technicznej, ale nade wszystko utrzymania aktywu partyjnego w ciągłej go-towości ideologicznej. Takie formy kształcenia partyjnego prowadzone w ramach wojewódz-kich organizacji partyjnych w Polsce w latach 1975-1990, jak szkolenia kandydatów, szkole-nia masowe, szkolenia aktywu, wraz z Wieczorowym Uniwersytetem Marksizmu-Leninizmu, szkolenia środowiskowe, wreszcie lektorat, świadczą, że była to sfera, do której partia komu-nistyczna przywiązywała w tym okresie ogromną wagę. Przykładowym obszarem badawczym jest wojewódzka organizacja partyjna funkcjonująca na terenie województwa bialskopodla-skiego.

Each country’s history of cinema and the subject of films differ, but the events that have left a great mark in the world history, events that changed the world history have affected all the cinemas of almost all countries in different ways. For example, the First and Second World Wars, the Iranian Revolution, the Great October Revolution, the Cold War and finally the Arab Spring added to the richness of the world cinema and left it under its influence. Not only these events, but many civil movements have brought a lot of issues in world cinema. Feminist movements, Anti-Fascist movements have changed world intellectual history and created its ideological infrastructure in cinema. Cinema has often been transformed into the ideological propaganda tool of many groups by influencing human consciousness.The study will focus on Azerbaijan’s history of cinema in the soviet era, the historical development process of cinema in the country and the influence of governments on cinema. The study will focus on the concept of propaganda and atheism, both of which had a great impact on the history of world opinion. The study will also analyse, the process the occupation of the country by the Russian forces. Lastly propaganda of atheism and its effect on cinema and society will be examined with a special study on the movie Bismillah.

From the history of the Polish translations of Croatian literature. The fourth chapter of the book "Croatica. Croatian literature and culture in Poland between 1944 and 1989" about the second part of the whole period. The Words in the title "The Yugoslav bomb" used Jerzy Putrament, prominent writer in PRL, to describe the political situation after the Cominform Resolution of June 28, 1948; Jerzy Putrament: Pół wieku. Zagranica. Warszawa 1965.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas per vizualias medijas perduodamos informacijos poveikis
auditorijai. Apžvelgiama propagandos termino kilmė ir reikšmė XX a. politiniame gyvenime,
taip pat analizuojamas propagandos ir masių medijos santykis demokratinėse
ir autoritarinėse valstybėse. Straipsnyje aptariama kultūrinių simbolių, stereotipų bei
reprezentacijų reikšmė animacijoje ir jais kuriama metafizinė tikrovė. Konkrečių animacijos
pavyzdžių analize atskleidžiama propaganda net vaikams skirtoje trumpojoje
animacijoje.

This has been my research paper of applying for PhD in photography in the University for the Creative Arts in England, but rejected in May 2018.

Based on an interdisciplinary methodology, this doctoral research aims to critically analyze and arguably understand the signification of propaganda in some artistic elements realized and used or abused by the artists and the Statesmen/women. Because the dissertation takes an interdisciplinary approach through library research, it relies on several disciplines and methodologies: art, journalism, political philosophy and science.                     
In order to limit in time and space for its academic purposes, the dissertation is relying on photography and image that the Federal Government of the United States of America and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are universally using in their propagandist agenda in the War on Terror and the establishment of a New Caliphate. In other words, it tries to know why and how these States are falsifying reality to either hide or justify their violence (particularly torture, rape, slavery, and genocide) through visual propaganda. It is also aware of the controversial concept of propaganda as art, since it would examine the debates among the artists, thinkers, and politicians regarding the use or abuse of art in public brainwashing whereby a governor is able to commit any State crime in the name of God, justice, liberty, or democracy.
Why does this research undertake to understand visual propaganda made by the US Government and the ISIS? First, both political institutions have enormous political, economic, social, scientific, and artistic power to manipulate public opinion nationally and internationally. They are both relying on ideological brainwashing, which means democracy and religion. Third, they have some artists, including image specialists, and scientists who help them in their conquest of the world. Finally, they are perfectly using carious mass communication tools, particularly the Internet or even new one in the future, to propagate some falsified information, images, and documents in war against each other.
The use of visual arts and the employment of artists by the States for a propagandist agenda are not obviously a new phenomenon. For instance, the Behistun Inscription constitutes a piece of propaganda establishing Darius’s right to rule. If visual propaganda has a long history of painting, sculpturing, and graphing as the existence of the State itself, the emergence and development of the Internet by the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions, particularly after the September 11 attacks, has given an unlimited dimension to propaganda in its both quantitative and qualitative aspects through the mass media like Google, Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram. Government photography has thus found a huge laboratory in a planetary dimension in which some photographers have embraced certain new and inestimable opportunities to mix their artistic aspiration with political and economic aspirations. This modern visual job requires that the governors and photographers work together to falsify reality in an artistic and political manner that we regard as propaganda. In this regard, all people around the world have ceaselessly become the target of propagandist images, since propaganda by photography needs no specific language, and images are easily propagating everywhere without any geographical limitation, thanks to the digital power of the State as, for example, disclosed by Snowden.     
Those symbiotic relationships between governance and art, which we can call “political photography”, would cause many questions to which the dissertation tries to reply, such as what is the demarcation line between governance and art? Does the State, i.e. the US Government and the ISIS in our case, need the photographers to manipulate public opinion in its crime against existence? If the answer is positive, how does it use them? Should be any separation between photography and governance? What is the responsibility of photographers in governance in its propagandist agenda? Should the society consider any complicity of artists in State crime realized or facilitated by photographic propaganda? Does the civil society have any power to limit or to destroy visual propaganda?
There are some original aspects in this research project. Firstly, if American propaganda is well documented, especially after the Second World War, it has currently obtained new aspects after 9/11 whereby the USA has been attacked for first time in its own territory. Secondly, the ISIS is nearly a new terrorist organization with universal power of recruiting and using the jihadists of terror and massacre around the world through some sophisticated images invoking Islam. Indeed, despite its limited history, the ISIS has proved that it can use visual media very effectively for its propaganda and theatrical violence. Finally, it seems that the physical death of the US Government and the ISIS cannot unfortunately result in the disappearance of their visual propaganda, because – as, for example, Neo-Nazism has already shown – the visual elements of their propaganda help their ideologies to come into existence again or to renew in different models. In other words, their images have already made them somehow eternal. In this sense, my previous doctoral research on State crime and violence would be helpful, since my second PhD thesis focused on why and how the States struggled to keep their powers through some sophisticated violent and non-violent tools including brainwashing and propaganda made by some intellectuals.                       
           
Keywords: State, Propaganda, Visual Propaganda, Political Photography, USA, ISIS, Art, Photography, Visual Terror, Hollywood Visual Style

The Body-machine from Michael Phelps to Oscar Pistorius discusses in retrospection the utilitarian view about the body that should be productive. From a utilitarian perspective, the body is not personal belonging but is separated from the human and transformed into a working machine. This view about the body raises many ethical problems especially for people that are not so productive such as handicapped people. Evidence for this can be found in professional sport. This process is essential for athletes. In the early 20 th century the athlete's body-machine was produced for the needs of professional sport. Those new athletic body-machines have become very important because they produced symbolic capital for their countries. The products, achievements, and especially the Olympic medals of athletes fulfill the nationalist agenda which, in Europe, was especially influential in that period. Athletes' achievements from international sport competitions produce symbolic capital in a similar way to archeological artifacts or the works of " national " writers. The gold medal and the world record can stimulate national dignity and consolidate people from a certain community. Top athletes are very famous and can become decision makers. However, very often this symbolic capital serves the purposes of state propaganda. Such examples are provided in this paper. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the inhumane practice of using athletes as gold producing machines rather than letting them develop fully their human potential.