Race and Racism

Analyzing the interview data generated from three groups of Korean migrants, i.e., amnesty, skilled and business migrants,
this article documents how racial discrimination against non-Anglo-Celtic migrants has shifted its characteristics. The comparison of the experiences of the three groups, who have arrived in Australia since the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s respectively, shows that racism has largely changed its nature from overt to covert although overt kind has not completely disappeared in the 1990s. Whatever form of racism may be
prevalent, its impact on the life of immigrants is always serious.

One month after Glen told me that he had terminal cancer, I was sitting with him at his dining table in Pasadena, California, discussing an autobiography that he intended as his final book. Glen asked me, "What should I include in my autobiography?" I insisted that he finally write about race. I knew that the topic was important for him as one of the central concepts influencing the connection he made between the way of Jesus and justice within his overall project in theological ethics. Throughout his long and fruitful career that included active participation in the Civil Rights Movement, advocating for human rights, opposition to the death penalty, opposition to torture, advocacy for Palestinians, for the environment, and for just peacemaking, one could hear an underdeveloped response to racism. But it was subtle, and awkward. He wanted to talk about it to improve his understanding. I was sure that he should finally do so in his autobiography. Glen had stories. During the Civil Rights Movement he was an activist, partnering with other activists who struggled for an end to Jim Crow segregation. His family was involved in that work as well, in a collective advocacy for a better society and in opposition to practices of authoritarianism and domination that target society's most vulnerable. Glen's activism stemmed from his formative childhood years in a Christian family that valued integrity and fairness and paid attention to social issues.

L’étude de la présence afro-brésilienne dans le quartier de Bexiga à São Paulo dans les années 1920 et 1930 permet de comprendre à la fois la manière dont les élites de la ville prennent en considération ces habitants issus d’un esclavage encore proche et l’influence de ceux-ci sur leur quartier. Le racisme des élites de la ville les a marginalisés à Bexiga, mais les Afro-brésiliens du quartier ont su « bricoler » cette place qui leur a été laissée en ville pour y construire une certaine autonomie. La construction des particularités de cette communauté et de son quartier est d’abord abordée sous l’angle des « bricolages » de la vie quotidienne afro-brésilienne à Bexiga, grâce auxquels ils adaptent leur vie et leur territoire. L’exception culturelle du quartier exprime aussi ces conditions, ainsi qu’un passé afro-brésilien.

Prolongeant ses travaux sur la répression, Vanessa Codaccioni analyse et dénonce les ressorts de « la société de vigilance ». Surveillance massive, appel à la délation, légitimation de la répression : une nouvelle servitude volontaire est insidieusement imposée aux citoyens qui deviennent des acteurs incontournables de cette dynamique sécuritaire.

This thesis is a historical and filmic analysis of the Black Panther Party, using two documentaries, All Power to the People: The Black Panther Party and Beyond (1996) and The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution (2015). It is first stated what the documentary film should set out to achieve when framing a political narrative. The films will be looked at separately, in regard to the context of their production and release. Power to the People was a reaction to the Rodney King riots. Vanguard of the Revolution was filmed alongside the rise of the Black Lives Matter Movement. The Black Panther origins as a movement are briefly considered to allow for a base understanding of the party’s precepts and aims. This includes the roles of Malcolm X, Martin Luther King and an introduction to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. The content analysis begins by looking at the main ideologies of the party and its operations. The empowerment of women but also hyper masculinity within the party is then discussed. This follows on to social and survival programs set up by the party. Primarily using two significant cases, the deaths of Bobby Hutton and Fred Hampton, there is an examination of concerted efforts by police and FBI to mobilise and neutralise the party. Comparisons and contrasts are then made between the style and content of the two films. It will be concluded that the films serve two purposes, to give the positive work of the Black Panthers a legitimate platform, but also to address the criticisms levelled at the party. The overarching conclusion will be that the Black Panthers were involved in a vicious cycle. Once they brought any semblance of solidarity to their communities, the FBI and Police would move against them leading to reactionary violence which caused the party’s eventual disbandment.

An incisive case study of changemaking in action, Stuck Improving offers a clear-eyed accounting of school-improvement practices, including data-driven instructional approaches, teacher cultural competency, and inquiry-based leadership strategies.

Irby brings readers into a large suburban high school as school leaders strive to redress racial inequities among the school’s increasingly diverse student population. Over a five-year period, he witnesses both progress and setbacks in the leaders’ attempts to provide an educational environment that is intellectually, socioemotionally, and culturally affirming.

Looking beyond this single school, Irby pinpoints the factors that are essential to the work of equity reform in education. He argues that lasting transformation relies most urgently on the cultivation of organizational conditions that render structural racism impossible to preserve. This timely work contributes both to the practical efforts of equity-minded school leaders and to a deeper understanding of what the work of racial equity improvement truly entails.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

This paper argues that capitalist accumulation requires imperialist expansion, and that this expansion creates a “raced” surplus laboring population. The argument proceeds in seven parts: that Marx’s assertion in chapter 25 of Capital that capitalism produces an ever-increasing relative surplus population is tenable in all but the longest of time frames; that imperial expansion played an important role in the transition to capitalism, though not for the reasons traditionally given; that overinvestment rather than the increasing organic composition of capital best explains imperial expansion in the capitalist era; that the uneven development of capitalism produces at the same time an uneven development of the surplus laboring population; that race has served as a mark of membership in the surplus laboring population; that by intertwining itself with the surplus laboring population, race serves to perpetuate itself despite its contradictions; and that despite this resilience, the contradictions of race also set in process conflicts that make it possible to overcome imperialism.

Interracial sex mattered to the British colonial state in West Africa. In Crossing the Color Line, Carina E. Ray goes beyond this fact to reveal how Gold Coasters—their social practices, interests, and anxieties—shaped and defined these powerfully charged relations across racial lines. The interplay between African and European perspectives and practices, argues Ray, transformed these relationships into key sites for consolidating colonial rule and for contesting its racial and gendered hierarchies of power.

With rigorous methodology and innovative analyses, Ray brings Ghana and Britain into a single analytic frame by examining cases in both locales. Intimate relations between black men and white women in Britain’s port cities emerge as an influential part of the history of interracial sex and empire in ways that are connected to rather than eclipsed by relations between European men and African women in the colony.

Based on rich archival evidence and original interviews, the book moves across different registers, shifting from the micropolitics of individual disciplinary cases against colonial officers who “kept” local women to transatlantic networks of family, empire, and anticolonial resistance. In this way, Ray cuts to the heart of how interracial sex became a source of colonial anxiety and nationalist agitation during the first half of the twentieth century.

The dislocated, deterritorialized discourse produced by repatriates from formerly European colonies has remained overlooked in academic scholarship. One such group is the Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies, today’s Indonesia. This article focuses on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. The son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and later also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the foundation of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam Besar, what was to become the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the eventually global Indo community through his elaboration of a hybrid and transnational identity concept. By placing his focus “tussen twee werelden” (in-between two worlds) and identifying “mixties-schap” (mestizaje) as the essential characteristic of Indo identity, Robinson anticipated debates on hybridity, transnationalism, and creolism that only much later would draw attention from scholars in the field of postcolonial studies. This article highlights Robinson’s pioneering role in framing a deterritorialized hybrid alternative to nationalist essentialism in the postcolonial era.

With two new publications, the Museum of Mormon History in Mexico has firmly established itself as a leading venue for the production of Mormon history in Mexico. The Spanish translation and English commentary on Part 1 of F. LaMond Tulllis's Mormons in Mexico is a significant contribution to both Spanish and English readers. This text, published through Deseret Book, makes a valuable resource available to Spanish speakers. It also offers an impressive correction of documentary errors in Tullis's interpretation and historical data. A second significant contribution to the literature on the same subject is a series of four articles available in Spanish or English by Fernando R. Gómez Páez (museum president). Read side by side, the translation of Tullis's book and this new selection of articles by the museum's president provide a worthwhile and balanced introduction to Mexican Mormon history. Readers will recognize that Mormon history in Mexico extends well beyond the colonies in Chihuahua and Sonora. The most interesting stories may very well come from central Mexico. Mexican Mormons now have a significant voice in the writing of their own Mormon histories.

While the idea that racism is accompanied by its denial is well established, this paper examines the widespread explicit advocacy of a stance of ‘not racism’. The rejection of racism by proponents of positions that hinder the cause of racial justice is the discursive next step in ‘postracial’ racism. I examine the various ways in which racism has been proposed to be an ‘unhelpful’ framework. I make the case that the dominant position within philosophy of race that racism is, first and foremost, a moral failing has unwittingly contributed to the emergence of ‘not racism’ as a dominant expression in race thinking today. Following an examination of several key moral philosophical analyses of racism, I illustrate my argument that ‘not racism’ is a form of racist violence with reference to several recent and contemporary cases against the backdrop of the rise of ‘Global Trumpism’.

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

Despite national standards established in 1979, U.S. teacher preparation programs have struggled to incorporate comprehensive, multicultural teacher education into existing curriculum (Sleeter, 2008). The weakness of multicultural training in most teacher preparation programs is theorized as a major contributor to the persistent achievement gap between students of color and White students (Ferguson, 2003). Furthermore, literature indicates White teachers frequently hold lower expectations for racial and ethnic minority students compared to White students and these lowered expectations often manifest as lower academic achievement (McKown & Weinstein, 2007).

This study provides empirical data regarding multicultural education within teacher preparation programs. Individual course sections of pre-service teachers completing a field-based teaching experience were randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups or a no-treatment control group. Quantitative measures within a pretest-intervention-posttest research design were used to assess the effectiveness of variation in pedagogical approach of multicultural teacher education. Multiple analysis of covariance allowed for the examination of the extent to which variation of pedagogical approach of multicultural teacher education affected pre-service teachers’ cultural competence. Additionally, this study examined the extent to which differences in field placement sites affected pre-service teachers’ cultural competence. Finally, this study examined the unique interaction effects of variation of pedagogical approach of multicultural teacher education combined with differences in field placement site.

Results from the sample (n = 86; female = 57) indicated treatment group participants experienced significant (p = .001) and meaningful (2 = .303) change in attitudes and beliefs regarding multiculturalism and diversity. Results further indicated site diversity had no significant effect (p = .077) on intervention efficacy. Similarly, no significant interaction effects (p = .293) were found for pedagogical approach combined with site diversity. Finally, treatment group participants described their preparation to teach in a multiculturally competent manner as more useful (p = .041) and more systematic (p = .011) compared to control participants. Findings highlight the importance of intentionally designed curriculum and differences between lecture and group approaches to multicultural teacher education. Literature from counseling psychology, teacher education, and curriculum studies is used to interpret findings, draw conclusions, discuss limitations, and suggest future research opportunities.

I N T R O D U C T I ON
Press Communiqué:
OPENING SURINAME BLUE BLOOD IS BLACK BLOOD MUSEUM

EGMOND CODFRIED (Paramaribo, 1959), writer and publicist, is the inventor of the Blue Blood is Black Blood Theory (2005) that states that Europe between 1100 and 1848, was dominated by an elite, which was described as brown and black of complexion. He exhibits his collection of reproductions from often-unknown historical portraits that makes this museum the only one that concerns itself with the true looks of historical personages. Prince William I of Orange (1533-1518) was described as ‘More brown then white,’ and ‘brown of complexion and the beard.’ (Beresteyn, 1933: 1) Some of them, like William I of Orange, his father-in-law Maurice of Saxony, and Jane Austen (1775-1817) had, next to brown or black skin, also (strong) classical African facial traits: thick prognastic lips, and/or broad noses and frizzled hair; which once stood for pure noble blood: Blue blood. They were the descendents of the Blue Men, the black and brown original Europeans who came 45.000 years ago from Africa (Grimaldi Man). And part of which, between 1100-1200; declared themselves a nobility, and thus true Europeans. Intermarriage to remain black of complexion, and a noble lifestyle were both required. They self-styled as protectors against the Normans, civilised and christianised the white Europeans, who had only 6000 years earlier arrived from Central Asia, and who now became the Serfs which the nobility exploited. Typical for this lordship was the cruel way protest was dealt with, with executions by quartering, breaking of limps and disembowelling, and by throwing the intestines in the fire while still attached to the body. But the cruelest punishment must have been the public, live flaying. Therefore there existed a European trade in human skins till 1848, and these skins were industrially worked into bookbindings, clothing and even shoes for the elite. Church doors were lined with human skin, which fact shows that the exploitation of whites was regarded as the will of god. Theirs was a cast-society with the whites as outcasts. This information illustrates better why there was a need for a Declaration of The Rights of Man (1760), because the white Serfs asked their noble masters to be accepted as human beings. Then the Enlightened, Black high bourgeoisie ‘scientist,’ the intellectual elite, invented human races and placed the whites, the majority of the population, for strategic purposes; at the top of the evolutionary ladder, and the Moor all the way below, just above the great Apes. The Moor (Othello, Mr. Elton, Black Madonna’s, and the heraldic little Moors) symbolized nobility and Black Superiority. With this, they showed their true feelings for the high nobility with their ideas about Black Superiority.  The French Revolution (179-1794) initiated a change and brought the middling classes, the capitalist elite to power, but little changed for the poor working class people. Because of restorations like those by Napoleon, it took till the final revolutions of 1848, that the white Europeans were emancipated and the nobility lost it ‘privileges.’ Jane Austen was described as ‘brunette of complexion,’ and ‘a brown, not a pink colour’ and she made all her novel personages light brown, brown, very brown and black of complexion. She wrote against the change of status of the Black Elite. The Surinamese Governors and slave masters were members of this coloured or noble aristocracy. After 1848 history became revisionist, thus painted white. They created a fake, whitened history by using whitened, fashionable and propagandist portraits that were commissioned by the brown and black complexioned elite; who sometimes in real life painted themselves white or bleached their skins. The merit of the Blue Blood theory is deconstructing revisionism in history and deconstruction of Racism against Blacks, which was caused by the cruel, but civilising and christianising, oppression. Whites fear and hate Blacks because Blacks once ruled them. Racism is a liberation ideology. All unscientific theories about race and skull measuring etc. were invented to declare these Historical Blacks to be whites and thus hide Black Supremacy rule. This new museum, in a staircase of his home, with the blessing of Vestia Den Haag Zuid Oost, and only accessible by appointment; welcomes everybody, for which reason the entrance fee is only euro 1. The public can see portraits of Black Rulers and their Black Queens. There are reproductions of portraits of nobles and slave masters, which were never before shown publicly and are hidden in family- or scientific collections because of Black looks. There will be postcards and books for sale. This museum in The Hague will lead to the finding of a Suriname Museum of Black History in Suriname in 2013. bluebloodisblackblood.blogspot.com

Information. Egmond Codfried / 06427799
The Hague, 15 June 2012.

This paper presents the author’s reaction to watching the Jane Elliot’s “Blue Eyes and Brown Eyes Experiment” and answers the question: Do you believe that it is still necessary to teach children about prejudice, racism, discrimination and "difference," in a classroom setting? Note: Because this is a reaction paper, it is written in first person.

This practice-research based article explores the relationship between mana motuhake (indigenous sovereignty) and white patriarchal sovereignty in Aotearoa New Zealand, focusing on Ngāti Tūwharetoa as a case study. It seeks to find the relevance of Aboriginal academic Aileen Moreton-Robinson's white possessive doctrine to the Aotearoa New Zealand context. In particular, it highlights the racist nature of the law and planning systems and their inadequacies to provide for hapū and iwi (indigenous nation/s). It provides a key theoretical analysis regarding the nature of white patriarchal sovereignty in Aotearoa and the need of the state to appear virtuous, to continue the legacy that started with the Treaty of Waitangi to maintain this whenua (land) as a white possessive. Lastly, the piece questions the position of Britishness within Aotearoa New Zealand and asks key philosophical questions for all about the need to find common understandings or māramatanga about our collective future as a society.

A sequel to the groundbreaking volume Race and Racism in Modern East Asia: Western and Eastern Constructions, the present volume examines in depth interactions between Western racial constructions of East Asians and local constructions of race and their outcomes in modern times. Focusing on China, Japan and the two Koreas, it also analyzes the close ties between race, racism and nationalism, as well as the links race has had with gender and lineage in the region. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this insightful and engaging 23-chapter volume offers a sweeping overview and analysis of racial constructions and racism in modern and contemporary East Asia that is unsurpassed in previous scholarship.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Introduction: The Synthesis of Foreign and Indigenous Constructions of Race in Modern East Asia and Its Actual Operation, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
I. Antecedents: A Detailed Examination of Early Western Racial Constructions of East Asians
II. Interactions: The Fusion of European and Asian Constructions of Race
III. Nationalism: Interactions between Race and Ethnic Nationalism in East Asia
IV. Gender and Lineage: The Impact of Domestic and Foreign Racial Constructions

PART I: ANTECEDENTS
2. East Asians in the Linnaean Taxonomy: Sources and Implications of a Racial Image, Rotem Kowner and Christina Skott
The Linnaean Revolution and View of Humankind
Sources of Linnaeus’ Racial Perspective on East Asians
The Essence of Asia: Swedish Views of China
Swedish Reports and Linnaeus’ Revision of His Human Taxonomy
Linnaeus’ Legacy and the Unfolding Racial View of East Asians
3. Constructing Racial Theories on East Asians as a Transnational “Western” Enterprise, 1750-1850, Walter Demel
The Founding Fathers of Racial Theories: Linnaeus, Buffon, Kant and Camper
The Second Generation: Multiple Directions
4. The ‘Races’ of East Asia in Nineteenth-Century European Encyclopaedias, Georg Lehner
Classifying the Peoples of Asia
The Encyclopedias' Main Sources for Remarks on the “Races” of East Asia
Chinese, Japanese and Koreans: Descriptions of East Asian peoples
Stereotypes of East Asians in General Knowledge
Visual Representations of Race in Works of General Knowledge
Concluding Remarks
5. The Racial Image of the Japanese in the Western Press Published in Japan, 1861-1881, Olavi K. Fält
Background
The Oldest People on Earth
The Shining Japanese Race
Weak and Inferior Race
Praising the Endeavors of a Poor Race
Conclusion

PART II: INTERACTIONS
6. The Propagation of Racial Thought in Nineteenth-Century China, Daniel Barth
The Background: Imperial China and the “Other”
Stage I (1846-1851): Marques and Wei Yuan
Stage II (1851-1855): Hobson and Muirhead
Stage III (1855-1872): The Self-Strengthening Movement
Stage IV (1872-1892): John Fryer and the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine
Conclusion: Chinese Intellectuals, Social Darwinism and Race
7. Learning from the South: Japan's Racial Construction of Southern Chinese, 1895-1941, Huei-Ying Kuo
The South Seas as Japan’s Backyard, 1895-1914
Japan's Expansion into the Southern Chinese Networks, 1914-1928
Chinese Anti-Japanese Nationalism and Japanese Discourses on South Seas Chinese, 1928-1936
Southern Chinese as Non-Han Races, 1936-1941
Conclusions
8. “The Great Question of the World Today”: Britain, the Dominions, East Asian Immigration and the Threat of Race War, 1905-11, Antony Best
Immigration and “the Awakening of Asia”
The Prophets of Race War
Critics of White Solidarity
Finessing the Racial Divide
Conclusions
9. “Uplifting the Weak and Degenerated Races of East Asia”: American and Indigenous Views of Sport and Body in Early Twentieth-Century East Asia, Stefan Hübner
Sportive Citizenship Training in the Philippines
Chinese Cooperation and Acceptance of American-Style Modernization
Japanese Resistance and its Defeat by American Style Modernization
Conclusion
10. Racism under Negotiation: The Japanese Race in the Nazi-German Perspective, Gerhard Krebs
Early Nazi Views on the Japanese Racial Position
Becoming More Aryan
The Problem with the Japanese in the Nazi Worldview
Continuing Mutual Mistrust
The End
11. Discourses of Race and Racism in Modern Korea, 1890s-1945 , Vladimir Tikhonov
Race and Its Uncertainties
The Emergence of Race Theories in Modern Korea: One of the Logics of the “Civilized World”
“Race” and “Ethnic Nation” in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945
Conclusion: Race as a Path to Modernist Self-assertion?
12. The United States Arrives: Racialization and Racism in Post-1945 South Korea, Nadia Y. Kim
Contextual Background: America Marches In and Mass Mediates
The American Military, Whiteness, and Imperialist Racial Formation
American Mass Media, White Heroes, and Counter-Hegemony
Blackness and Imperialist Racial Formation
Racism and Invisibility in Korean “America”
Concluding Remarks
13. A Post-Communist Coexistence in Northeast Asia? Mutual Racial Attitudes among Russians and Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, David Lewis
Discrimination against Siberian Peoples as an Outcome of Racial Prejudice
The Origin and Legacy of Russian Attitudes to Asians
Racial Attitudes among Indigenous Siberian Peoples
The Communist Model of Racial Modus Vivendi
The Impact of Prolonged Racism on Indigenous Siberian Peoples
Marriage as an Anti-Racist Means in a Multi-Racial Society

PART III: NATIONALISM
14. Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-American Racial Perceptions of the Korean War, Lü Xun
Descendants of the Mongolian Hordes: American Perceptions of the Chinese
The Ambitious Wolf: Chinese Perceptions of Americans
The Mirrored Self: A Nation-State in the Making
15. Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Racialized Chinese Nationalism, Yinghong Cheng
Gangtai Patriotic Songs: A “Colored” Political Genre of Pop Music
A Tacit Collaboration between the Party-State and Capitalist Cultural Producers in Hong Kong and Taiwan
The Interaction between Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Chinese Popular Nationalism
Analyses
Concluding Remarks
16. Japanese as Both a “Race” and a “Non-Race”: The Politics of Jinshu and Minzoku and the Depoliticization of Japaneseness, Yuko Kawai
The Historical Trajectories of Jinshu and Minzoku
Being a “Race” and a “Non-Race” in Present-day Japan: An Empirical Study
Conclusions and Implications
17. Ethnic Nationalism in Postwar Japan: Nihonjinron and Its Racial Facets, Rotem Kowner and Harumi Befu
Premises of Nihonjinron
Nihonjinron as a Manifestation of Japanese Nationalism
Nihonjinron and Its Concern with Origin, Blood and Racial Hierarchy
The Impact of Race-Related Tenets on Everyday Life
Functions of Ethnic Nationalism in Contemporary Japan
Concluding Remarks
18. Ethnic Nationalism and Internationalism in the North Korean Worldview, Tatiana Gabroussenko
The Soviet Discourse of the Outside World: Conditional Internationalism
The North Korean Worldview in the “Soviet Era”: Echoing the Soviet Paradigm
Mono-Ethnicity as a Special Korean Virtue: The Evolution of the North Korean World Vision under the Influence of Juche
North Korean Propaganda about Foreigners from Inclusive and Alienating Perspectives
Conclusion

PART IV: GENDER AND LINEAGE
19. In the Name of the Master: Race, Nationalism and Masculinity in Chinese Martial Arts Cinema, Kai-man Chang
From Anti-imperialist Nationalism to Cultural Nationalism
Masculinities That Matter
Conclusion
20. Sexualized Racism, Gender and Nationalism: The Case of Japan’s Sexual Enslavement of Korean “Comfort Women”, Bang-soon Yoon
Korean “Comfort Women”: Drawn in as Substitutes
The Nature of Victimization
Colonial Policies and the Mobilization of Korean Women
Treatment of Korean “Comfort Women”
Lives under Sexual Slavery
Nationalism, Gender and Sexual Violence
Conclusion
21. “The Guilt Feeling That You Exist”: War, Racism and Indisch-Japanese Identity Formation, Aya Ezawa
Power, Discourse, and “Mixed Blood”
The Indisch and the Dutch East Indies
The Indisch Community under Japanese Occupation
Indisch-Japanese Relationships
Indisch-Japanese Descendants
Conclusion
22. ‘The “Amerasian” Knot: Transpacific Crossings of “GI Babies” from Korea to the United States, W. Taejin Hwang
“An Act of Both Humanity and Patriotism”: The Amerasian Immigration Act of 1982
“Confucius’ Outcasts”: The Korean Amerasian “Plight”
Inter-country Adoption of Korean “GI Babies”
Living as a “Mixed-Blood Child” (Honhyeola) in Cold War Korea
“Half-American Also is American”: Towards Migration
Conclusion and Postscript

PART V: CONCLUSIONS
23. The Essence and Mechanisms of Race and Racism in Modern East Asia, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
The East Asian Contribution to the Study of Race and Racism
East Asia’s Role within the Rise of Racial Theory and the Resulting Hybridity
Sources and Manifestations of Racism
The Close Links between Racism and Nationalism
The Role of Gender and Lineage in Constructions of Race and Racism
East Asia and the Future of Race and Racism
Contributors
Bibliography
Index

During the 2009 MTV Video Music Awards, Kanye West famously interrupted Taylor Swift's acceptance speech for "Best Female Video." A year later both performers returned to the VMAs with songs that responded directly to the original incident. In the meantime, the U.S. media and record-buying public had come to interpret the original incident using the stock scripts and characters of what Linda Williams has called “U.S. racial melodrama,” the fact of which both performers seemed aware. In this way, the Swift-West “incident” had come to reflect and mimic larger racial tensions, especially between black men and white women, as they had specifically come to be understood and portrayed during the Obama presidency, which many commentators have hastily and incorrectly identified as a symptom of “post-racialism.” This essay discusses how Kanye West and Taylor Swift reflect on and revise the tropes of racial melodrama, in the latter case to reinforce what Charles Mills calls "the epistemology of ignorance" when it comes to racism in America, and in the former case to challenge it.

A collective intellectual biography that sheds new light on the Annales school, structuralism, and racial democracy.

Would the most recognizable ideas in the French social sciences have developed without the influence of Brazilian intellectuals? While any study of Brazilian social sciences acknowledges the influence of French scholars, Ian Merkel argues the reverse is also true: the “French” social sciences were profoundly marked by Brazilian intellectual thought, particularly through the University of São Paulo. Through the idea of the “cluster,” Merkel traces the intertwined networks of Claude Lévi-Strauss, Fernand Braudel, Roger Bastide, and Pierre Monbeig as they overlapped at USP and engaged with Brazilian scholars such as Mário de Andrade, Gilberto Freyre, and Caio Prado Jr..

Through this collective intellectual biography of Brazilian and French social sciences, Terms of Exchange reveals connections that shed new light on the Annales school, structuralism, and racial democracy, even as it prompts us to revisit established thinking on the process of knowledge formation through fieldwork and intellectual exchange. At a time when canons are being rewritten, this book reframes the history of modern social scientific thought.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) is a broad theoretical framework created by synthesizing the main themes of scholars who have challenged dominant contemporary understandings of race and the law. Although a theory of state tacitly undergirds much critical race scholarship, no one has yet aggregated the literature’s disparate assertions into a unified theory of state. This article represents an initial contribution toward that effort. Through comparison with Omi and Winant’s (1994) Racial State Theory (RST), I identify six central tenets – racialization of the state; state as white institutional space; instrumentalism; interest-convergence; fluid boundaries; and permanent racist orientation – that characterize the CRT of State for the United States. I close by entertaining three questions Omi and Winant (2012) argue demonstrate the utility of RST and use them to illustrate where the CRT of State I outline achieves greater analytical purchase than RST.

This is a pilot research of the life experiences of Pakistanis in Hong Kong, targeting working class Pakistani adults living in Kwai Chung, Tsuen Wan, Tsing Yi or the nearby districts. The research was conducted by Centre for Social Policy Studies of The Hong Kong Polytechnic University and by S.K.H. Lady MacLehose Centre. Our aim was to explore the difficulties faced by the Pakistanis and delineate the macro forces shaping their lives. Through this, we see that ethnicity is one of the key dimensions of social stratification and inequality in contemporary Hong Kong society. We also hope that this research can well serve as a case to illustrate the relationship between ethnicity and social exclusion.

This research consists of a questionnaire survey and focus group interviews. The questionnaire survey was conducted between February and May of 2002. We have completed 200 questionnaires through snowball sampling. The questionnaire covered five broad areas: social activities and friendship, utilization of community resources, work and employment, children's education and sense of belonging to Hong Kong. The part on focus group interviews aims to further explore the complex dynamic of life experiences that could not be described by quantitative data in the survey, as well as to develop recommendations for improving social policy and social services. Two focus groups, with a total of ten male and female participants were conducted at the end of October 2002.

On social activities, we found that the major activities of the respondents are staying at home, meeting friends and going to worship. Participation in other social activities such as going to see arts and cultural programmes, engaging in sports activities, going to the library, and joining activities in a community centre, is limited. In terms of establishing friendships, most of the respondents interact only with their own people. They reflect that it is difficult to make Hong Kong friends. Cultural and language differences are some of the major barriers to making friends with Hong Kong people and to participating in social activities.

On housing, a majority of the respondents live in private rental housing. Some of them do not know how to apply for public rental housing and some believe that they are not eligible to apply, even though they are in need. Most of the respondents have had problems in looking for private housing, and identify expensive rent or housing prices as the main one. Some of them say that they have a problem communicating with agents in Cantonese and believe that they are rejected by landlords simply because they are Pakistanis. This shows that some Pakistanis have difficulties gaining access to housing resources, both in the public and private sector.

On social security resources, in fact, few respondents are receiving Comprehensive Social Security Assistance (CSSA). Most of them clearly state that they do not want to depend on the government or do not need to do so.
Almost all of the respondents were not engaged in part-time studies or in an employees retraining course. They are discouraged for various reasons, such as high course fees, the fact that the courses are taught in Cantonese, or because they do not know of any educational or social institutes nearby.

On access to social services and community resources, very few respondents have approached social workers for help on everyday needs; instead they rely almost solely on their family, relatives and friends. Some respondents do not even know of any nearby social service centres and have never brought their children there. Their poor access to various community resources is not only due to language problems, but also because many government departments, educational institutes and social service centres do not target non-Chinese.

On work and employment, many respondents encounter great difficulties. Twenty-three point nine per cent of the respondents are unemployed. About half of the respondents have been unemployed at some point in the past two years. Most of the employed respondents are engaged in elementary occupations where the working hours are generally very long. The median number of working hours is 60 per week. However, their monthly income is comparatively low.

On looking for jobs, most respondents identify not knowing Cantonese and low educational qualifications as the major difficulties. It is alarming to learn that about one-third of the respondents claimed that they are rejected because they are Pakistanis. Some employers systematically eliminate them from selection and treat them unfairly at work. In the workplace, the respondents face various difficulties including problems communicating with supervisors and colleagues, bullying by supervisors and colleagues, conflicts due to cultural and/or religious practices, and diverse forms of racial discrimination.

On children’s education, the respondents encounter various difficulties including unreasonably long waiting times in finding school places, expensive school fees, conflicts due to cultural and/or religious practices, and being rejected because they are Pakistanis. The focus group participants also highlighted problems for Muslims involving food in school canteens and the dress codes of female Pakistani students.

Though they face numerous difficulties in Hong Kong, about half of the respondents like Hong Kong very much and treat the place as their home. However, this does not mean that they enjoy being with Hong Kong people. Some focus group participants also held ambivalent attitudes toward Hong Kong and Hong Kong people.

Based on the problems reflected in the questionnaire survey and the opinions expressed in the focus group interviews, we recommend policy changes in the following areas: employment, housing, and educational services, as well as a review of the policy on granting Hong Kong SAR passports to non-Chinese residents. To improve the general situation, we recommend anti-racial discrimination legislation to protect the right of ethnic minorities, and to promote a policy of multiculturalism in which cultural differences and ethnic diversity are respected. The aim is to build Hong Kong into a just and caring society.

This conceptual paper analyzes Donald Trump's presidential campaign
to illustrate how articulatory practices of racist nativism exhibit a virulent adherence to
white supremacy that opens the discursive doors of public discourse to engage in more overt and violent practices of racism that target People of Color in the U.S. I argue that the wide-spread support of Donald Trump by U.S. voters is a white supremacist response to changing U.S. demographics from a historically white to inevitably non-white population, and perceived as a "threat" to white social status and power.