Second World War

In recent years, the idea of ‘swarming’ – that is, simultaneous multidirectional attack or maneuver by large number of independent or semi-independent small units – became a subject of a heated debate. Some believe this is the future of warfare, while others see this belief as ridiculous and dangerous. In the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), specifically, swarming was heralded as the new way of war before the 2006 Second Lebanon War. But during and after the war, the word itself was turned into a derogatory term, symbolizing all that was wrong with the IDF’s performance: relying on new, untested and unrealistic concepts to pretend that the Army has a silver bullet which will solve its problems quickly and easily, ignoring reality in the process. This article draws on six historical case studies, from the American airborne operation in the Normandy Invasion to the Second Lebanon War, to examine the method of swarming, its relevance and its uses. Finally, the article concludes that Swarming is not a revolutionary method, and not ‘The future of conflict’. However it is a very useful method in certain situations, provided that commanders know and understand its possibilities and limitations.

Горан Давидовић, Милош Тимотијевић, Затамњена прошлост : историја равногораца чачанског краја. Књ. 3, Агонија и слом : ратне 1944. и 1945. године (Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив ; Краљево : Народни музеј, 2004 (Чачак : Графика Јуреш). - 462, [32] стр. с таблама ; 24 cm

Тираж 500. - Стр. 311-312: Рецензија / Коста Николић, Бојан Димитријевић. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Summary: Darkened Past. The history of the Ravna Gora movement in the Čačak region. Book 3, Agony and breakdown of war 1944 and 1945- Библиографија: стр. 304-310. - Регистар.

ISBN 86-80609-29-3 (брош.)
94(497.11)"1944/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 118526220

Kriege und moderne militärische Konflikte bergen das wirkmächtige Potential den Verlauf der Geschichte in einer derart gestauchten chronologischen Abfolge der Geschehnisse zu verändern, die es für Gesellschaften schwer macht, sie in ihrer Gesamtheit und ihren überaus komplexen Konsequenzen zu fassen. Mindestens ebenso schwierig ist es für kleinere sozialen Entitäten, die blutigen, schockierenden, traumatischen und tieftraurigen persönlichen Erfahrungen, die ein Krieg mit sich bringt, zu begreifen. Dennoch sind die Assoziationen, die mit dem historischen Ereignis und der Erfahrung Krieg einhergehen, vielfältiger und facettenreicher, als man zunächst annehmen könnte. Wie das Kriegsgeschehen und sein mittelbares sowie unmittelbares Nachspiel erlebt werden, ist abhängig davon, aus welcher Perspektive man einen Krieg und seinen Ausgang erlebt. Welche Motive ein Staat, eine Nation oder eine Gesellschaft gehabt hat, die Krieg führte, mit welchem Ergebnis dieser Krieg zu einem Ende kam und welche kollektiven oder auch persönlichen Erfahrungen mit ebendiesem Kriegsende verbunden waren, spielt daher die maßgebliche Rolle, wenn man über die Rezeptionsgeschichte und die Erinnerungskultur einer Nation an einen Krieg spricht und sich dieser Problematik mithilfe eines kunsthistorischen, archäologischen, architektonischen oder auch soziologischen Zugangs nähert.

Actes du colloque de Gênes, 6 et 7 mars 2019

Visions de l’Europe d’après-guerre dans la Résistance en Belgique, aux Pays-Bas et au Luxembourg occupés

Notre recherche porte sur les réseaux actifs dans les trois pays occupés, qui réfléchissent sur l’avenir de l’Europe et du monde.
Notre intérêt se focalise plus particulièrement sur le phénomène des réseaux impliqués dans la phase initiale de la prise de décision gouvernementale (en exil à Londres) dans les domaines des politiques européennes.
Du point de vue géographique, nous nous limitons aux trois pays impliqués dans la formation de l’Union Benelux dès l’immédiate après-guerre. Cela permet de nous documenter sur le processus de convergence qui s’instaure et se renforce entre ces trois pays à la faveur de la Seconde guerre mondiale.

1° L’identification des milieux et réseaux belges, néerlandais et luxembourgeois impliqués dans la définition des orientations pour l’Europe d’après-guerre

La première partie de notre recherche cherche à repérer et identifier les milieux politiques, intellectuels, économiques et technocratiques belges, néerlandais et luxembourgeois impliqués dans la définition des orientations pour l’après-guerre, principalement en ce qui concerne l’organisation de l’espace européen. Ces milieux, exilés en Grande-Bretagne ou aux Etats-Unis, ou proches des mouvements de Résistance en pays occupé, sont nettement délimités d’un point de vue sociologique. L’analyse parallèle des “ thinks tank ”, de la presse clandestine et des principaux services de renseignements permet de révéler et d’identifier une série de réseaux de sociabilité qui se mobilisent dans les réflexions sur la politique internationale ou européenne d’après-guerre et dans la planification de la reconstruction économique et sociale.

2° Le poids d’une géopolitique mouvante dans les choix pour l’après-guerre

Pour interpréter au mieux les choix qui s'esquissent dans les plans d'après-guerre élaborés en exil comme en pays occupé, il est indispensable d'oublier ce que nous savons de la suite des événements internationaux, c’est-à-dire par exemple l'éclatement de la guerre froide et la réussite de la construction européenne d’après guerre : la mise en œuvre du Benelux en 1948, la signature des accords de l'OTAN en 1949, la fondation du Conseil de l'Europe en 1949, ou la signature des Traités de Rome en 1957. Sous peine de tomber dans l’anachronisme, il ne faut en effet pas interpréter les courants de pensée pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale en fonction des événements ultérieurs.

3° L’idée européenne, facteur de désunion ?

Plusieurs orientations fondamentales de la construction européenne d’après-guerre sont déterminées par les élites exilées néerlandaises, belges et luxembourgeoises, et par les “ think tanks ” travaillant en pays occupés ou par la Résistance intellectuelle s’exprimant dans la presse clandestine.
Pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale, l’idée européenne n’est pas un facteur d’union, mais bien de désunion que ce soit auprès des exilés en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis ou dans les trois pays occupés étudiés. L’origine du malaise provient de l’usage intensif par la propagande nazie du slogan de l’Europe de l’Ordre Nouveau. Cette ambiance crée, chez les résistants comme dans l’opinion publique générale, un phénomène de rejet global à l’égard de la thématique européenne.
Au Luxembourg, la germanisation, l’intégration économique et monétaire forcée, la brutalité de l’administration civile, expliquent le renforcement de l’identité nationale et linguistique luxembourgeoise à la faveur de l’Occupation, et l’absence d’idéaux européistes chez les résistants luxembourgeois comme dans la population.
Aux Pays-Bas, le débat sur l’idée européenne fait rage dans la presse clandestine, et ce, dès 1940, et provoque des clivages au sein de la Résitance intellectuelle.
En Belgique occupée, l’idée européenne provoque l’hostilité de la majorité des résistants. Aucun mouvement de Résistance belge ne se prononce en faveur de l’établissement d’une union européenne après la guerre, et l’idée européenne ne fait guère recette dans la presse clandestine. Il n’existe pas de consensus sur l’ordre mondial ou européen d’après-guerre chez les résistants belges, du moins si l’on excepte le Benelux, qui suscite l’adhésion de la majorité des Belges à l’approche de la Libération. Dans la presse clandestine, il faut mentionner le père jésuite C.-J. Joset (La Voix des Belges) et l’avocat P. Struye (La Libre Belgique) qui s’expriment en faveur d’une Europe unie, mais il s’agit de voix isolées.
Par ailleurs, l’idée européenne d’après-guerre est d’essence démocratique, et rejette violemment les conceptions d’Ordre nouveau, elle se construit contre son esprit et ses méthodes autoritaires, même si certains collaborateurs tenteront de justifier a posteriori leurs idées en prenant à témoin le déclenchement de la guerre froide et ses conséquences. La mise en oeuvre de la construction européenne permet d’ailleurs de résoudre la question allemande, centrale dans le tabou constaté auprès des résistants et des exilés pendant la Seconde guerre à propos de l’idée européenne. Elle assure la stabilité, la sécurité et la paix de l’Europe par la conversion de l’Allemagne à la démocratie. L’expérience de la Seconde guerre mondiale nous démontre que l’idée européenne n’est pas nécessairement un concept à caractère démocratique. Démocratie et unité européenne ne coïncident pas automatiquement au cours de cette période de l’Histoire de l’Europe.

Mit den Begriffen Gedächtnis, Geld und Gesetz wird die Diskussion um das Verhalten der Schweiz im Zweiten Weltkrieg in einen größeren historischen und theoretischen Zusammenhang gestellt. In den hektischen Wendungen der öffentlichen Auseinandersetzung wird oft vergessen, wie sehr das Geld beziehungsweise die Geldmetaphorik Geschichtsbilder dominiert und wie stark die sogenannte Vergangenheitsbewältigung in den Sog der Verrechtlichung geraten ist. Der Sammelband stellt diese Vorgänge zur Diskussion. Er geht auf die national unterschiedlichen Pathosformeln und Mythenbildungen ein, die sich im Umgang mit unabgeschlossener Geschichte zeigen und die der Gedenkpolitik ihr Gepräge geben. Die Funktion von Recht und Geld in bezug auf Krieg, Nationalsozialismus und Shoah steht dabei ebenso zur Debatte wie Verlaufsformen, Kontinuitäten und Brüche in der rechtlichen, ökonomischen und kulturellen Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit.

A második világháború lezárultának hetvenedik évfordulója alkalmából megrendezett Háborús évek. A veszprémi egyházmegye a második világháborúban című konferencián elhangzott előadások szerkesztett változatát tartja kezében az olvasó. Mivel  1939 és 1945 között nem kevesebb, mint öt főpásztor állt a püspökség élén, ezért a felkért előadók hagyományos püspökéletrajzok helyett az egyházmegye életének minél szélesebb metszetét vizsgálták meg referátumaikban.  Így nem csupán az egyes püspökök tevékenységének speciális területei kerültek fókuszba, hanem az egyházkormányzat számos – gazdasági vagy hivatali szereplőjének életútja, a székeskáptalan és a püspökség működésének eleddig feltáratlan gazdasági alapjai, továbbá a korszaknak a különböző vidékein élt hívek életére gyakorolt hatása is a vizsgálatok homlokterébe került. A kötet szinte valamennyi tanulmánya épített arra a forráskiadványra, amely a Mindszenty József felhívására beérkezett „háborús kárjelentéseket” tartalmazza. Bízunk abban, hogy a „nehéz időben született döntések” a szereplők megfontoltságáról tanúskodnak, mégha nyilvánvaló is, hogy a háború után a romokon meginduló újjáépítést már a munkák megkezdésekor akadályozták a kibontakozó új rendszer egyházellenes törekvései.

Alle 19.42 dell’8 settembre 1943 il maresciallo Pietro Badoglio annunciò via radio la firma dell’armistizio con gli Alleati, ma a Cefalonia, dopo pochi attimi di gioia per la fine della guerra, i militari italiani precipitarono in un vero e proprio incubo, ricevendo l’ultimatum dei tedeschi di consegnare loro tutte le armi. Particolarmente sanguinosi furono i fatti che si svolsero nell’isola, dove erano di stanza molti soldati della Divisione Acqui (oltre a esponenti di altre forze militari e della Marina), i quali si opposero alla cessione delle armi imposta dai tedeschi. A dispetto dell’inferiorità numerica (all’incirca 2.000 tedeschi a fronte di quasi 12.000 italiani), i militari della Wehrmacht ebbero la meglio grazie all’intervento aereo degli
Stukas della Luftwaffe, che bombardarono senza sosta le postazioni tricolori di artiglieria e fanteria. Finché, il 22 settembre, il generale Gandin alzò bandiera bianca. Seguirono crudeli rappresaglie e fucilazioni di massa, con
gli ufficiali italiani sterminati senza pietà presso la famigerata “casetta rossa” (si salvarono solo in 37). Il presente volume ripercorre quei tragici eventi attraverso le testimonianze di chi a Cefalonia perse la vita e di chi riuscì invece a scampare a un eccidio che, ancora oggi, è foriero di troppe domande e polemiche, e che i giornalisti Vincenzo Grienti e Laura Malandrino cercano di riportare alla luce a 70 anni di distanza da quel sanguinoso settembre 1943.

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origini al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022.
Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al prezzo di 28 euro nelle migliori librerie e con uno sconto dai rivenditori online. 
Di seguito un breve abstract, l'Indice, una presentazione dell'Autore e la bibliografia utilizzata.

As historians are becoming more aware of the diversity of the Australian prisoner of war experience during the Second World War, increasing numbers of Indigenous Australians' stories are being identified. Through the combined hard work of researchers, families, and communities, a more complete picture of Aboriginal prisoner-of-war experiences is emerging.

The corpus of narratives produced in Germany since 1943 about the battle of Stalingrad appears as a multifaceted "grand narrative" in which historiographical and mythical morphology coexist. The Nazi myth of Stalingrad contributed to shaping the cultural memory of the event during the war, and historians lately integrated that myth into the historical discourse about the "overcoming of the past" (Vergangenheitsbewältigung). In the meantime, hundreds of veterans published their witness-accounts about the great battle, blending the two spheres of history and myth on the level of storytelling. While historiographical discourse aims to consolidate positive knowledge of the battle in terms of chronology, witness-narratives blur chronological storytelling with the mythical archetypes of conquest, defeat, fall, and resurrection. I will examine the morphological characteristics of the "grand narrative" of Stalingrad by combining the notion of "structure" (Koselleck) with that of the narrative archetype (Frye) and by integrating these tools with the theory of adaptive and evolutional narratives (Carrol; Scalise-Sugyjama) to claim that the "grand narrative" of Stalingrad can be read as the mythic-historical account of how the German community survived defeat and was reborn from its own ashes.

Book review of:

"Sengo Nihon no Fuko no Kiroku, GHQ Kameraman Boria ga Totta Nihon no Fukei" (Records of the Reconstruction of Postwar Japan, Japanese Scenes Taken by The GHQ Cameraman Boria). Photographs by Dimitri Boria, Compiled by Yoneyuki Sugita. Okayama: Daigakukyōikushuppan. Vol. 1, pp 143; Vol. 2, pp. 141.

https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/Colorized-digitally-enhanced-photos-of-postwar-Japan-bring-their-subjects-to-life

"Still, something essentially sympathetic about Lucas persists, and his fate is heavy with pathos. Once he had been selected for a command he never should have held, he had no choice but to carry out his orders as he understood them, even though he regarded them at the core as completely misguided and he was fully prepared to die doing his duty. The only other option would have been to ask to be relieved, thus ending a distinguished career under a real cloud, rather than the historical fog that has settled over his name. John Lucas, who had faced Pancho Villa's men, alone, barefoot, and in the dark, was not prepared to do that."

The Second World War gave a strong impulse to the development of translation and interpreting services in the Soviet Union. Military translators/interpreters were expected to engage in frontline propaganda, ad hoc language teaching and reconnaissance, without special preparation. Under constant ideological pressure, they had to come up with creative solutions for concrete problems. On the base of the prosopographic research and semi-structured interviews with three prominent representatives of the aforementioned school, this book describes different biographical and professional trajectories of military translators/interpreters during and after the Second World War. Their backgrounds are as diverse as they are distinct: German and German-Jewish migrants, romantic philological students and poets from the legendary Institute of Literature Studies in Moscow (IFLI), bilingual descendants of diplomatic families and outstanding students and teachers from university departments of German Studies. The translational competences and methodological insights acquired during the war contributed to the establishment of a Soviet school of translation/interpreting and German Studies.
Key-words: Circulation of knowledge, military translation and interpreting services, Second World War, prosopography

Claude Eatherly, pilota e metereologo,
era un ragazzo texano di
27 anni quando ordinò lo sgancio
della prima bomba atomica della
storia, Little Boy, che colpì Hiroshima
il 6 agosto 1945.
Nonostante la giovane età, non
era certo un dilettante: per quella
missione vennero scelti i migliori
piloti della US Army, e Eatherly
aveva già dato prova del suo valore
militare, abbattendo, nel corso
della sua fulminante carriera,
più di trenta aerei nemici. Dopo
lo sgancio della bomba, tuttavia,
lasciò l’esercito e rifi utò qualsiasi
riconoscimento al valore da parte
degli Stati Uniti. Compì anche
maldestre rapine e altri piccoli
crimini, con la speranza di trovare
sollievo nel biasimo collettivo. Ma
ciò non bastò a placare i suoi dilanianti
sensi di colpa e Eatherly
venne internato in un ospedale
psichiatrico. Fu in questo momento,
quattordici anni dopo Hiroshima,
che iniziò un carteggio con
Günther Anders, il fi losofo tedesco
autore del capolavoro L’uomo
è antiquato. Il risultato è questo
libro: un commovente scambio
epistolare tra Anders e un’anima
persa, in cerca di un’espiazione
tanto impossibile quanto necessaria.
Dopo anni di assenza dalle
librerie, torna disponibile una delle
testimonianze più toccanti sul
disastro che cambiò per sempre
la coscienza collettiva.

Abstract
A rather poignant story of discovering the family name on a monument at the Al Alamein Battlefield, unleashes a long litany of information about the site and the battle: the various armies that fought for this land from the beginning of time, the tank in desert warfare, the artifacts still littering the battlefield, and the continuous plight of undetonated mines. As for the family, while trying to research the paternal name, she discovers that a soldier bearing the maternal name was also killed at Alamein. The text is illustrated with photographs taken by the author (all under copyright).
© 2019 Cassandra Vivian. All rights reserved.

Im Gegensatz zu den Aktivitäten der Einsatzgruppen, die nach dem
Angriff auf die Sowjetunion am 22. Juni 1941 in Hunderten von Orten
Massenerschießungen von Juden durchgeführt haben, ist die Geschichte
der bereits im September 1939, nach dem Angriff auf Polen, operierenden Einsatzgruppen weniger bekannt. Die Herausgeber dieses Bandes versuchen, das zu ändern, indem sie sämtliche Berichte dieser Einheiten in einem durchaus gut edierten Band präsentieren. Damit zeigen sie unter anderem, dass beim Angriff auf Polen die Juden nicht das einzige Hauptziel des Terrors der Deutschen waren, sondern in etwa demselben Maße wie diese Polen und andere nichtdeutsche Zivilisten verfolgt und ermordet wurden. Die Angreifer haben sich besonders vor den polnischen Nationalisten und der katholischen Kirche gefürchtet.
Durch das Studium dieser Dokumente wird auch deutlich, dass der Judenmord erst nach einigen Monaten zur Hauptaufgabe der Besatzungspolitik geworden ist, wobei man den Einfluss des rassistischen Antisemitismus auf die Wahrnehmung des Kriegsgeschehens und das Handeln der Einheiten bereits im Herbst 1939 nicht unterschätzen sollte. Die Zahl der nach dem Angriff auf Polen ermordeten Zivilisten war zwar deutlich geringer als jener, die knapp zwei Jahre später von den in den sowjetischen Gebieten operierenden Einsatzgruppen erschossen wurden, sie war jedoch trotzdem erschreckend hoch. Die Herausgeber gehen davon aus, dass bis Frühjahr 1940 über 60.000 Personen im besetzen Polen ermordet wurden und dass die in sieben Einsatzgruppen hinter der Wehrmacht wirkenden etwa 2.700 Funktionäre an diesem Mord maßgeblich beteiligt waren.

The Turkish island of Bozcaada, widely known by its ancient Greek name of Tenedos, is located in the northeastern part of the Aegean Sea. Due to military conflicts during World War I and World War II, and because of the startegic importance of the Daradanelles, this area is full of historical wrecks, many of which remaine undocumented or not located yet. This article deals with some of the World War II wrecks of Tenedos.

Throughout the Second World War, a wide variety of methods were used to promote the actions and characters of the aviators in the Royal Air Force in Britain. In particular, flying clothing was repeatedly included in visual representations of these aviators to encourage their recognition and appreciation by the British public. This article examines visual representations of Royal Air Force aviators and their flying clothing in material including posters and films produced for domestic consumption in Britain during the Second World War (1939 1945). It is argued that the symbolic use of flying clothing in visual material produced and circulated during this period can be divided into three categories of use as propaganda: as a symbol to aid audiences' identification of aviators; as a means to invite interest and fascination with the Royal Air Force; and as a visual representation to characterise and contextualise depictions of aviators and their surroundings. This usage served to promote Royal Air Force aviators in a manner that encouraged recruitment as well as enhanced popular support for the Royal Air Force and its contribution to Britain's war effort.

Questo lavoro si prefigge lo scopo di descrivere le reti di spionaggio e di sabotaggio, le missioni e gli agenti dei servizi segreti tedeschi e della RSI inviati nell’Italia centro-meridionale, tra il 1943 e il 1945, con l’obiettivo di contrastare l’avanzata Alleata nella Penisola. I due servizi segreti tedeschi, l’Abwehr e il Sicherheitsdienst, riorganizzati dopo l’Armistizio, reclutarono agenti italiani (provenienti dalla Milizia o dalle neonate Brigate Nere ma anche dalla Decima Mas di Borghese) per operazioni di spionaggio e sabotaggio oltre le linee Alleate. Anche gli stessi fascisti, tramite il neonato SID ed altri gruppi come quello del Principe Pignatelli o l’Ufficio Pucci-Del Massa, tentarono di pianificare reti spionistiche ma anche di porre le basi per la sopravvivenza del fascismo all’indomani della fine della guerra.

Consideration of conceptions about music and music-making practice in the Independent State of Croatia and in the National Liberation Movement shows the ways in which different worldviews have been implemented at the field of music and the ways of constructing communities through a certain model of music-making. The discourses on traditional, popular and art music have been analyzed, as well as attitudes towards homogeneity and heterogeneity of various genres in various types of public performances. Conceptions from the period of World War II are compared with contemporary conceptions.
Sažetak: Kroz razmatranje koncepcija o glazbi i prakse glazbovanja u NDH i NOP pokazuje se kako se željeni svjetonazori provode na području glazba te kakav se čovjek i kakve zajednice stvaraju provođenjem željenih modela glazbovanja. Analizira se diskurz o međuodnosu tradicijske, popularne i umjetničke glazbe, o srodnosti i različitosti u odnosu na druge, o stilskoj i žanrovskoj homogenosti i heterogenosti, o glazbovanju u svečanim prigodama i u svakodnevici. Ondašnje se koncepcije uspoređuju s današnjima.

1. The changing character of naval battle in history When one looks across the spectrum of world naval history, the nature and character of major naval battles have changed dramatically over time. These changes have tended to punctuate and divide long periods in history during which the basic concept of naval battles remained largely the same. The key periods are traditionally seen as the age of galley warfare that characterized classical naval history; the line of battle from the mid-seventeenth century to the early 19 th century; the age of naval warfare under steam power in the mid-to late 19 th century; the age of air and submarine combat in the first half of the twentieth century; and, most recently, the age of the missile, space, and cyber warfare dating from the latter half of the twentieth century into the present. Each of these periods in naval history has typically been characterized by a dominant type of warship which is closely associated in its design with the new emerging weapons and weapon-systems of the era 1. As that lists suggests, the periods of characteristic naval battles have tended to become relatively shorter and shorter in the modern period as naval warfare reflects the ever quickening pace of technological innovation since the Industrial Revolution. At the same time, however, one must note that the characteristically dominant type of battle in a specific period does not necessarily exclude the earlier forms, but may occur alongside them. For example, the galley that typified ancient warfare was used in the Baltic, North America, and the Mediterranean well into the eighteenth century. Similarly, the tactic of " Crossing the T " that became so famous in the battles between ships-of-the-line in the eighteenth century was used by the American battleship force that engaged the Japanese in Surigao Strait in October 1944. There can be a variety of reasons why there is overlap between eras. These include the continued use of particular weapons, tactics, and technologies across periods, even when they are no longer the

Alamein covers the events leading up to the battle in North Africa that turned the tides of war against the Axis Powers during World War II: the Battle of Al Alamein. The first part of the book is the history of the battle. Sections include: the leaders, their weapons, the battles of Tobruk, Gazala, and finally Al Alamein. There is a section on the contribution of spies to the victory of the allies. The second half of the book is devoted to a tour of the battle sites, the memorials, and the Al Alamein Museum.
56 pages. 20 vintage black and white illustrations. 8 color illustrations. 10 maps. 6x9. All rights reserved. copyright © Cassandra Vivian 1992. ISBN: 977-5100-0\8-9.

This study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)
and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the “Euromaidan.”

Asia Pacific Perspectives, Volume XIII Number 1, Spring/Summer 2015

https://web.usfca.edu/uploadedFiles/Destinations/Institutes_and_Centers/center-asia-pacific/perspectives/v13n1/APP%20XIII1%2002%20French%2008-17-15.pdf

This paper, based on archival research undertaken in the General Headquarters (GHQ)/ Supreme Command of Allied Powers (SCAP) archives and employing geospatial data, examines the origins of a number North East Asia's territorial disputes through looking at the seizures of Japanese fishing boats during the initial postwar years. Through the hitherto unexploited medium of geospatial analysis, the paper looks at the mass seizures of Japanese fishing vessels by the maritime arms of the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of Korea (and US Military Government of Korea), the USSR, the Republic of China, and the UN naval forces in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The paper examines and maps the incidence of the capture of these vessels as well as contextualizes the captures within the importance of the fishing industry to Japan, and Japan's neighbors' differing positions on their maritime boundaries with Japan. The policies of GHQ/SCAP and the Japanese government towards the seizures are also examined, as is the role the fishermen themselves played. The paper concludes by employing a geospatial dataset to test assumptions about the nature of the seizures of fishing vessels during the period and their significance in relation to today's territorial disputes in the region.

The purpose of this report is to compile historical information regarding World War II aircraft losses in the Lake Victoria region of New South Wales.  Lake Victoria was utilised as a training area for No. 2 Operational Training Unit (OTU) of the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) which was based at Mildura, Victoria.  Five aircraft are known to have crashed in the immediate vicinity, resulting in the deaths of six servicemen.

is is the first study to show how the Royal Navy’s ideas about the meaning and application of seapower shaped its policies in the interwar period. Drawing on a wide range of unpublished sources, the author challenges the accepted view that the intellectual shortcomings of Britain’s naval leaders resulted in poor strategic planning and an inability to meet the challenges of the Second World War.

This book provides the first comprehensive survey of the navy’s strategies for dealing with possible wars with Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Imperial Japan, and even the United States. It argues that the “Singapore Strategy” has been widely misunderstood, that there was in fact more than one strategy developed for war with Japan, that the navy’s war plans placed greater emphasis on maritime economic pressure than decisive sea battles, and that the influence of Alfred Thayer Mahan on the interwar navy has been greatly exaggerated.

The author also reveals how the “One Power Standard” did not fundamentally affect the outcome of the navy’s ongoing struggle with the Treasury for funds, how the service’s interest in “showing the flag” abroad was linked to its concerns over the health of the naval armaments industry at home, and how the navy reluctantly employed propaganda between the wars to revive its popularity with the British public.

The book argues that naval leaders possessed a more sophisticated and flexible understanding of the strengths and limitations of sea power than previous studies have recognized, and that Britain’s strategic position during the 1930s would have been stronger if their advice had been followed. The author concludes that the navy’s efforts to shape British grand strategy were largely unsuccessful, however, because civilian decision-makers often had different views about the role of sea power in the modern world.

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

The issue of the political rehabilitation and glorification of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) became one of the central political issues in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan. It provoked major political and historical controversies and debates in Ukraine and other countries. Presidents Yushchenko and Poroshenko, their parties, far right organizations, and many Ukrainian historians attempted to recast the OUN-B and the UPA as parts of a popular national liberation movement that fought against Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union and to present the OUN-B and UPA leaders as national heroes. They denied, minimized or justified the involvement of the OUN-B and the UPA leaders and members in the mass murder of Jews, Poles, Russians, and Ukrainians.

The analyses of biographic publications, historical studies, and archival documents show that the majority of the OUN-B and UPA leaders and very large proportions of their members collaborated with Nazi Germany, mainly in the beginning of the Second
World War. Nearly half of the top and middle-ranked leaders of these organizations and
at least until the end of 1943 the majority of UPA members served in various police formations. They assisted the German occupation authorities in implementing genocidal policies towards the Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles by helping to carry out mass shootings and create conditions intended for the physical annihilation of the entire Jewish population and large numbers of Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles, specifically in Volhynia. The fact that many police commanders and large numbers of policemen in various locations and formations followed orders from the OUN-B by deserting en masse from their service, in particular in Volhynia in the spring of 1943, and forming the basis of the UPA shows that these commanders and police members were de facto controlled by the OUN-B.

O maior dos cineastas japoneses, Akira Kurosawa, fez no outono de sua vida um filme baseado nos seus sonhos. A rica simbologia dos oito episódios do filme é um convite para conhecer o folclore e a religiosidade do Extremo Oriente. No entanto, a interpretação de "Sonhos" esbarra num obstáculo considerável: a fossa cultural que separa o Japão do Ocidente. Para transpor essa barreira foi necessário um estudo focado principalmente no budismo, xintó e a biografia do diretor para captar a profundidade dessa obra, somado a comparações com os mitos, lendas e contos de fada da África, do Brasil e da Europa. Tanto a arte como a vida onírica são temas de grande interesse apara analistas Junguianos, e a investigação psicológica desse filme traz uma contribuição valiosa para uma crítica cinematográfica que tem por base o repertório hermenêutico da psicologia analítica.

This study briefly presents the history of the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism, paying special attention to the geopolitical circumstances which formed this movement. Then, it analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon, such as its main ideologists, racism, antisemitism, religion, rituals, leaders, concepts of revolution, and the ethnic, political and mass violence conducted before, during, and after the Second World War. This short monograph argues that the extreme and genocidal form of Ukrainian nationalism did have a fascist kernel and should be considered a form of European or East-Central European fascism. Nevertheless, because of the specific cultural, social, and political Ukrainian circumstances the radical form of Ukrainian nationalism differed from better-known fascist movements such as German National Socialism or Italian Fascism, and thus it requires a careful and nuanced investigation.