The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor
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The Final Secret of Pearl
Harbor
by John T. Flynn
October 1945
A NOTE FROM THE WEBMASTER: We set Justin
Raimondo to writing a short preface to this 1945 essay by John
T. Flynn – after all, Justin devoted a whole chapter to Flynn in
his 1993 book, Reclaiming the American Right – but he got
carried away and handed in over 1200 words. So if you want
to find out more about Flynn, his contribution to Pearl Harbor
revisionism, and the significance of Flynn's work in relation to
later revelations, check out his column, here.
O
n Wednesday, August 29, 1945, President Truman gave out
the reports of the Army and Navy Boards directed by Congress
to investigate the responsibility for the great disaster of
December 7, 1941, at Pearl Harbor. These Boards had filed their
reports nine months ago. Under the pretext that issuance of
them would disclose important military secrets President
Roosevelt suppressed them. But President Truman has not by
any means given out the whole story. Portions of it are still
suppressed. He says they will never be given out. And that is the
simple truth. They will never be given out by this government
until Congress compels the government to release all the
information which it is hiding from the people and which it
hopes to hide from history.
The Roberts Report – which was also doctored before being
released – blamed Admiral [Husband] Kimmel and General
[Walter] Short for the defeat. Now the two Army and Navy
reports expand the guilt to cover General Marshall, Admiral
Stark and former Secretary of State Hull. Marshall and Stark
were the Army and Navy chiefs in December. 1941. All the top
commanders have now been blamed, plus various lesser
commanders. But the greatest commander of all is left out – the
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Commander-in-Chief. In the 150,000 words of these findings
and comments the name of Franklin D. Roosevelt stands out in
almost monumental conspicuousness by its absence. The Army
and Navy chiefs, the former Secretary of State and Congress
have been blamed and the President of the United States has
added to the culprits the 130,000,000 people of the United
States. The only person not blamed is Franklin D. Roosevelt,
who was running the whole show. However, in spite of all the
suppressions, the story of Pearl Harbor is known. And here I
propose to tell it. Put in plain terms the tragedy of Pearl Harbor
was the dark fruit of three incredible blunders. First in
importance was the manner in which the crisis was managed.
The second blunder was the bottling of the fleet in Pearl
Harbor. The third was the stripping of the defenses of Pearl
Harbor. It was Roosevelt who personally managed the whole
crisis. It was Roosevelt who bottled the fleet in Pearl Harbor. It
was Roosevelt who stripped the base of its defenses. First then,
let us look at the crisis as it developed in Washington. Let us see
it now in the light of the facts which this government has
hidden and which I will now reveal publicly for the first time.
We shall have to look at two battlefields. One was the Pacific,
where Kimmel and Short brooded week after week over their
deplorable condition, begging for more weapons, fighting
against the inroads made on what they had and living almost
completely in the dark as to what was happening in that vast,
mysterious Pacific world in which they found themselves. We
shall look upon that battlefield later.
THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS DECIDE
ON WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES
Roosevelt Maneuvers for a Crisis
There was another battlefield. It was mostly in the private
apartment of Secretary of State Hull to which the Japanese
Ambassador Nomura paid many calls between April and
December of 1941. Japan's ruthless policy of conquest had
brought her into deep water. The United States, Britain and the
Dutch East Indies had cut off all trade with her. Without the
iron, oil, cotton, rubber and other critical materials from these
sources she could not continue the war in China. The situation
became desperate. One party – the militarists – was for seizing
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the Dutch East Indies which would solve the supply problem.
But that would mean war with England and – almost certainly
– with the United States. The Counselor of the American
Embassy in Tokyo had so informed the Japanese Foreign Office.
Nevertheless the extremists were for the desperate try. 'The
other party – the moderates, led by the Japanese Premier
Konoye – was for making the best terms possible with the
United States and getting out of the China affair as best they
could. Admiral Nomura was sent to the United States as
Ambassador to see what could be done. From April to the end
he sat with Cordell Hull, a few times with the President. They
argued endlessly. Then on November 16 he was joined by
Ambassador Kurusu to assist in the delicate crisis.
There is no space here to follow these conferences. If you will
read the official reports of them you will see that as the
situation m Japan became more and more desperate, the
existing government was willing to make more and more
concessions. But the War Party became more and more
pressing at home for war. It was a race between the Moderates
to get an agreement in Washington and the War-Agitators to
produce a crisis in Japan. You will see also that President
Roosevelt was not going to make any agreement that the
Japanese could accept. The talks got nowhere.
Then on October 14 the Moderates lost in Japan. The
Warmongers won. The Konoye ministry fell and General Tojo
became premier. The President knew that would happen and he
knew there could be only one result – a Japanese attack on the
Dutch Indies. But there was also the possibility – even
probability – that Japan would attempt to deal with England
first – would try to reduce Singapore and perhaps attack us in
the Philippines. He knew, as he steadfastly refused to hasten the
negotiations, that he was producing a situation that could end
only with an attack by Japan. Why did he want Japan to attack?
By skillful maneuvers and impossible promises he had brought
the country far toward war. From benevolent neutrality, selling
to the Allies for cash, he had moved to "Aid-short-of-war ; then
to the "Aid-at-the-risk-of-war" frame of mind. By October the
once "Aid-short-of-war" group was publishing full-page ads
demanding an immediate declaration of war. Senator [Claude]
Pepper, a White House spokesman, said the President had
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drawn a line and that when Japan moved over it he would start
shooting. The President was ready for the final act – the act of
open war. Two influences restrained him. His generals and
admirals told him we were not ready. Most important was the
promise he had made to the American people – solemnly given
and repeated – not to send their sons into foreign war unless
attacked. He did not mind violating that pledge. He merely
feared the political effect of the violation. [Joseph] Alsop and
[Robert] Kintner, White House columnist pets, had written a
short time before that "He (Roosevelt) does not feel he can
openly violate them (his pledges). But he can get around them
the smart way." They explained this meant getting the Germans
to shoot first. Then he could shoot back. But it was now clear to
him that the Germans, were not going to shoot first. Now,
however, the Japanese were about to do so. If they could be
provoked to attack, his problem would, be solved. He would
then be in the war safely – not only against Japan but 'all the
way,' as he triumphantly announced in his speech to Congress
after the attack.
In Japan the war makers were in a desperate hurry. In the
United States, Roosevelt, for some reason, became impatient of
delay. So much so that he actually considered sometime before
November 14 an invasion of China which would have put us at
war with Japan. He proposed it to the Army and Navy staffs.
They dissuaded him because we were not ready. So he waited a
little longer – babying the Japanese along, but making it plain
that they would get no agreement, save by abject surrender,
terms he knew no Japanese government would dare accept. He
did not have long to wait. By November 14 the sands were
running fast, as [U.S. ambassador to Japan Joseph C.] Grew
had warned. Something had happened which put the play
irrevocably in Roosevelt's hands. This is the event or series of
events which have remained locked up in the keeping of the
very inner Circle of the White House. When you read of these
you will know why the White House has concealed the truth
from the world.
THE BREAKING OF THE JAPANESE
CODE SEALS THEIR DOOM
A Gift from the Gods
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The hour of Fate had arrived in Tokyo. But the bedeviled
ministers seemed terrified at the appalling folly they were being
driven to commit by the violent opinion-makers of Japan. The
Japanese High Command began to move their war machine
into position. Their plans were made. They had to have the
great Dutch islands. That meant they had to paralyze Britain.
But that in turn meant they must, if possible, strike a crushing
blow at the United States before she could throw her weight
into the struggle. The blow was obvious. This country's naval
strength – all the battleships which were the core of her Pacific
sea power – were tied up at Pearl Harbor. Some madman had
done that surely, they must have thought. But there were the
great ships like ducks on a pond waiting for the hunter.
Everything depended on the United States leaving the rich
target there for the Japanese hunters. It was a giant gamble. But
a safe one, as we will see, because in the White House sat a
President who was satisfied that he knew it all. He had a plan
too. And he had made sure, as we shall see, that those
battleships and their auxiliary ships would remain quite still
and immobilized in the great shooting gallery. But while the
Japanese prepared for this gamble, frightened at the peril of
waking the still awkward and stupidly led giant America into
action they sent the astute Kurusu to Washington to join
Nomura in a last effort to get a settlement. Kurusu arrived in
Washington on November 16. But by that time the die was cast.
A gift from the gods had been put into Roosevelt's hands. The
British government had broken one Japanese code. It
proceeded to hand over to the State Department the messages
between Tokyo and various foreign representatives which it
intercepted. Roosevelt now could know what the Japanese were
saying among themselves. November 4, Roosevelt knew the
Japanese government would yield no more as he had an
intercepted dispatch from Tokyo saying: "International
situation makes any further compromise in this matter
impossible." On November 5 an intercepted Tokyo dispatch to
Washington said: "Signing of any U.S.-Japanese agreement
must be completed by November 25." And the Ambassadors
were urged by the government to "save Japanese-U.S. relations
from chaos." November 6 another intercepted dispatch notified
Nomura that Kurusu was coming and that this was the "Last
hope of the negotiations." Therefore on November 6, Roosevelt
knew that the Japanese were playing their last card; that they
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would make no further concession and he knew also the very
date they had set for action – November 25.
Kurusu seemed to realize quickly enough that he was bucking
his head against a stone wall. Troubled by the onrushing
deadline he must have appealed to Tokyo for more time.
Nomura also appealed to the Japanese government. He said in
an intercepted dispatch that he "doubted the wisdom of
aggressive action." Then on November 22 came a dispatch
intercepted by the British saying the deadline had been changed
to November 29. But it added: "This time we mean business.
Deadline absolutely cannot be changed. After that things will
automatically begin to happen." What was going to happen? All
this information was in the hands of Hull and Roosevelt.
Nothing that could happen could surprise them – save
undoubtedly the point of the first assault.
Roosevelt Turns the Screw
After being dissuaded from the Chinese invasion project, and
seeing the posture of affairs in Japan, the President decided to
bring matters to a head. He did not know where the Japanese
would launch their attack. It might be on Singapore or some
Dutch or British island. In that case he had committed himself
– though no one knew it – to join the British in the war on
Japan. But that was not an ideal arrangement. His opponents
could still insist the United States was not attacked. He was
apprehensive about the political implications. He had just won
a battle to junk the Neutrality Act. But it was a tremendous
battle and he won by a very narrow majority. The enemies of a
war declaration were powerful. What was needed was an
outright attack on an American possession. Roosevelt decided,
therefore, to issue an ultimatum to the Japanese of such a
character that America could not possibly be excluded from the
coming assault. He had been discussing it since mid-November.
Then on November 26, Secretary Hull did issue an ultimatum to
the Japanese. Now he denies it was an ultimatum. But he
cannot escape this charge. Nor can the President escape the fact
that when it was proposed, General [George C.] Marshall and
Admiral [Harold R.] Stark said: "For God's sake, don't send it.
We are not ready." Here is what happened. November 25, Knox,
Stimson, Hull, Marshall and Stark met and went to the
President's office. Hull showed a plan for a three-months' truce
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to be given the Japanese. Stimson said he thought it was so
drastic the Japanese would reject it. But apparently the group
approved it. Hull said he didn't know whether he would offer it
"or kick the whole thing over." The next day Hull handed to the
Japanese a very different plan – the ten-point plan. It
demanded that the Japanese (l) get out of China, (2) get out of
Indo-China and (3) repudiate their treaty with the Axis. The
Japanese rightly took this as an ultimatum. And Hull too so
regarded it then. On that day – November 26 – Stimson
telephoned Hull. Stimson wrote in his diary: "He (Hull) told me
he had broken the whole thing off. As he put it: 'I have washed
my hands of it and it is in the hands of you and Knox, the Army
and Navy.'" The next day he told the British Ambassador the
same thing. General Marshall and Admiral Stark prepared a
joint memorandum to the President urging him not to send an
ultimatum because we were not prepared. An attempt is made
to get rid of this fact by saying it did not reach the President
until the 28th, after he had confirmed the ultimatum to the
Japanese Ambassador. The Administration sponsors are asking
you to believe that the President, who was supposed to know so
much, didn't know this fact – that Marshall and Stark knew it
but had never told him before. Of course they had warned him
when he talked about an invasion of China around November
14. They met with him constantly. The lack of readiness was
widely known. Are we supposed to believe that the irreplaceable
Commander-in-chief alone was ignorant of this fact? When
Hull handed that ultimatum to the Japanese he and Roosevelt
knew it was all over. They sat down then and waited for "things
to happen."
The Fog at Pearl Harbor
What of our two Commanders at Pearl Harbor, inadequately
prepared, and in the dark? It is important to remember that
Pearl Harbor was 3,500 miles from the points at which the
Japanese were preparing their blow· The reconnaissance of the
government on these preparations was not in the hands of
Short or Kimmel. Other agencies were responsible for that.
These agencies reported to Washington. Kimmel and Short had
to depend on Washington entirely for their information about
the international negotiations and the physical preparation of
the Japanese for an attack.
They were not getting information. Here is an example. As far
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back as July 26, Kimmel wrote Stark asking to be informed of
the plans of the government if the Japanese attack the Maritime
Provinces and England declares war on her. July 31, Stark wrote
another naval officer making an amazing confession. He – Chief
of Naval Operations, charged with the plans for eventual war –
wrote that he could not get an answer to Kimmel's question,
that when he advances it to Roosevelt all he gets is a "smile or
'Betty, please don't ask me that.'" As late as October, Kimmel
has not yet been able to get an answer to his question. There is
no answer until November 14, when the fuse is already lighted.
Then Admiral Stark wrote him saying: "Just what we will do in
the Far East remains to be seen." He was never informed what
the U. S. would do in case of war between Japan and Britain in
the Pacific. On November 25, after Stark knew an ultimatum
would be sent, that the war was only a few days off, he notified
Kimmel that the possibility Kimmel had been worrying about
was now about to happen, that the Japanese were about to
advance in Indochina, Thailand and the Burma Road most
likely. But as to what we will do, he writes a sentence almost
beyond belief, unparalleled in the annals of grand strategy: "I
will be damned if I know what the United States will do –
anything or nothing."
The President knew without delay the Japanese reaction to his
ultimatum. On November 28 a coded Japanese message
intercepted by the British said that "negotiations are ruptured,"
that the United States proposals are humiliating but that
Nomura and Kurusu are not to give the impression that
negotiations are off. On November 30, an intercepted code
message from Tokyo to the Japanese Ambassador in Berlin
directs him to notify the German government that U.S.Japanese relations are ruptured and that war may may come
quicker than anyone dreams with the Anglo-Saxon powers. And
the following day a British intelligence report came that the
Japanese carriers had left the home waters.
What were Kimmel and Short told about all this? Literally
nothing. Marshall was not in Washington, he left on the 27th to
watch army maneuvers in North Carolina. Stimson, acting as
Chief of Staff, sent Short a brief message. He called it a war
warning. He said negotiations with Japan had ended – thus
adopting the interpretation of Hull's note as an ultimatum
which would be rejected. But he did not say we had given Japan
an ultimatum. He said an aggressive move was expected in a
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few days. He warned "the United States desires Japan to
commit the first overt act." He said: "Prior to hostile action you
are directed to undertake such reconnaissance and other
measures as you deem necessary, but these measures should be
carried out so as not to alarm the civil population or disclose
intent. Report measures taken." The whole message was cryptic
and inadequate. But this was the fault of Stimson, not Marshall.
Next day, Short, who was told to report what he was doing, sent
a long message describing in detail the measures he had taken.
The Army-Navy plan for defense of Hawaii called for three
different types of action – called Alerts. Alert No. 1 was
preparation against internal sabotage. Alert No. 2 was
mobilization against external attack. Alert No. 3 was a signal for
battle positions, when attack begins. Short put into effect Alert
No. 1 – against sabotage and internal disorder. He had been
warned several times about this. He had been warned that all
Japanese movements indicated an attack thousands of miles
from Pearl Harbor. During the next ten days, though he
reported his course, he received no word from Washington
ordering a different one.
Why the alert against sabotage, instead of against external air or
submarine attack? The reader must have this very clearly in
mind. Hawaii had 160,000 Japanese living there. It swarmed
with Japanese spies. While the General Staff felt certain the
attack would come at least 3,000 miles from Hawaii, they were
profoundly frightened lest an internal movement of suicidal
Japanese patriots would destroy planes and essential
installations, crippling the base. Protection against sabotage
called for a very different arrangement than from external
attack. Short, and all his officers, were certain that is what the
High Command indicated and he felt they knew more of the
whole Pacific situation than he did. Kimmel, too, was warned
not to do anything that would excite the civil population.
Whatever he did must be done secretly. Both were warned not
even to let their own officers in on these facts save where
essential. And they were told "hostilities would begin soon" –
but against the Kra Peninsula, Guam, Singapore, Malay.
What was Kimmel doing? It is forgotten that Kimmel's fleet was
not there to protect Pearl Harbor. The Harbor was there merely
as a fuel and supply base for it. That fleet had a task assigned to
it in case of war. The protection of the base would be the duty of
the army and the base naval installations. We do not know what
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the task assigned to Kimmel was. But it is certain that had the
Japanese overlooked Pearl Harbor and struck at the Philippines
or Singapore alone, Kimmel and his fleet would have been off to
sea instantly. Kimmel was preparing for the war task assigned
to him, not merely for the protection of Pearl Harbor. We must
also bear in mind that after November 27, General Short never
received another message giving him any information about the
international situation, That is difficult to believe, but it is true.
And, we must ask, why was Short told to alert against sabotage
while MacArthur in the Philippines was told to alert all out
against instant attack?
Roosevelt, the Commander-in-chief, who was now assured of
the attack which would bring him safely into the war, went off
to Warm Springs to enjoy the Thanksgiving holiday.
The Night Before Pearl Harbor
We now come to the night before Pearl Harbor in Washington.
The President had returned from Warm Springs because of the
crisis. The Japanese envoys had held during the week several
meaningless sessions with the State Department. But the formal
answer of the Japanese government to the ultimatum had not
come. Yet Roosevelt knew what it would be. The stage is all set
for the attack on British or, better still, British and American
territory in the Pacific. The scenery is beautifully arranged.
The President is widely advertised as seeking peace. That night
at nine o'clock he sends a dramatic message to Hirohito
appealing for peace. He knows this to be as futile as the breeze
around the White House grounds. The Japanese navy is putting
to sea; Japanese troops are pouring southward. The intercepted
codes, of which the public knows nothing, have told the full
story.
Luck now played again into Roosevelt's hands. Our Army
Intelligence Service broke the Japanese code and learned what
they were saying among themselves. On that fateful battle eve it
got possession of a document of extraordinary importance. You
will recall that the next day – Sunday – the Japanese asked for
an appointment at 1 P.M. with Hull They arrived a little late –
when the bombs were falling on Hawaii – and presented a note
breaking off relations with us. The incident has been presented
to us in shockingly false colors, We were told how the President
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was in his study on Sunday for a day of rest, confident nothing
would happen after his appeal the night before to Hirohito not
to precipitate war. He was chatting with Harry Hopkins and
fiddling with his stamp collection, while Mrs. Roosevelt
entertained in another quarter one of her innumerable groups
of uplifters. Then – all of a sudden – out of a clear sky, came
news of the attack on Pearl Harbor. It's a good picture, but
utterly fraudulent. That is not the way things happened. The
preceding night – Saturday – the government had got hold of
the text of that very document which the Japanese would
present the next day. It went to Mr. Roosevelt at 10 P.M. Hull.
Knox and Stimson had it. They knew now what was to happen.
Hull telephoned Knox and Stimson to meet him next morning
for a conference at 10.
Consider the situation that night. The President and his three
aged and slow-moving cabinet members knew everything – all
save the hour and point of attack. Far out in the Pacific the blow
would fail. What, in the name of simple common sense, would
men of ordinary intelligence do? They knew at that very
moment the Japanese ships and planes and subs and troops,
under cover of darkness, were moving to their appointed
targets. They knew that out in that vast Pacific were two
commanders, wretchedly equipped, depending solely on them
for information. Would you not suppose the very first act would
be to notify General Marshall and Admiral Stark and then,
instantly, Admiral Kimmel and General Short? Would you not
think that if Marshall and Stark were not in their offices, they
were to be hunted through the town, roused from their
slumbers to give them this tremendous news? No. The old
gentlemen called a conference among themselves for the next
day and went home for the slumbers so essential in their
advanced years. The President had the news at 10 P.M. He, too,
did nothing, Worse than this, a naval aide wag told not to give
Admiral Stark his copy o£ the Japanese note until next
morning. Why? I think Congress ought to ask for some
explanation of this.
December the Seventh, 1941
The next morning – Sunday – Admiral Stark, because of the
tense situation, went to his office. There he found the now
completed copy of the Japanese note. "My God!"' he cried, "This
means war. I must get word to Kimmel at once." For some
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reason that word did not go out at all. Another Japanese code
message arrived and was decoded. By 8:20 A.M. the text was in
hand. It gave the hour at which the envoys were to present their
note to Secretary Hull. The hour was 1 P.M. Washington time.
Just as it was decoded another message was intercepted. It
advised the twelve Japanese consuls in the United States that
Japan was breaking with this country. All were hurried to Knox,
Stimson and the President. They were in the hands of Hull's
conference at 11 A.M. The bombs would not fall on Pearl Harbor
for another two and three-quarters hours.
Lieut. Com. Kramer gave a memorandum to Secretary Knox of
transcendent importance. The memorandum pointed out that I
P.M. Washington time was sunrise over Honolulu and dark
night at Manila. Sunrise would be the moment for air attack. As
a surprise attack was indicated, the hour of presenting the
dispatch indicated an air attack on Pearl Harbor. In other
words, we feared an air attack on Pearl Harbor in a little over
two hours.
Can we believe that, thus warned, the High Command in
Washington, on the edge of such a precipice, would not with
whatever speed science had yet devised get this tremendous
news and its implication to the Commanders in Hawaii? Instead
the three aging secretaries sat down to a conference. General
Marshall did not get the news until 11:25 A.M. He then sent a
warning message to General Short. There was yet an hour and
three-quarters before the explosion. The most precious hour
and three-quarters the War Department had ever lived through.
Time to get many of the ships in motion. Time to get every
available man mobilized. Time to get every available plane off
the ground. General Marshall had a scrambler phone which
would reach Short instantly. He had also the Navy's powerful
shortwave transmitter. Instead of using these he sent the
message to General Short by commercial radio at or near 12:18
P.M., Washington time. That would be 6:48 A.M. Honolulu
time. It reached Honolulu at 7:33 A.M. The Japanese planes
were at that moment winging to their kill. The message was sent
through the streets as the bombs were falling. Thus delayed it
reached Army Intelligence office at 11:45 A.M. to be decoded. It
was delivered to General Short at 2:58 P.M., hours alter the
great base had been destroyed. Why did not General Marshall
use the government's short-wave apparatus? Why did he not
use his scrambler phone which would have put this information
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in the hands of General Short from two and a half to an hour
and a half before the attack? His explanation to the Roberts
Commission was that he was afraid it might be intercepted,
What would have been the difference? If intercepted the
Japanese would merely know what they knew already. But
Short would have known it also.
THE PLOT TO RUIN THE
COMMANDERS
While the American public was still stunned by the news of the
Pearl Harbor attack, three ideas were promptly fed to the
people by the government. One was that the damage was slight.
The second was that Kimmel and Short were responsible. The
third was that the President was taken completely by surprise.
Naval Secretary Knox, after a quick visit to Hawaii, returned
and told us we had lost one battleship, the Arizona, three
destroyers, a mine layer and an old target ship. Some others
were damaged. But the balance of the fleet, he said, including
battleships, carriers, heavy and light cruisers, destroyers and
submarines were at sea seeking contact with the enemy,
Newspapers praised his frankness and the President for making
good on his promise of "full information." But this statement
was a carefully phrased falsehood. The Secretary juggled with
the word "lost." Few ships, indeed, were permanently lost
beyond ultimate salvage. But they were lost utterly so far as
having any striking power against the enemy was concerned.
The majestic Pacific Fleet had been put out of action as an
effective sea weapon. We had eight battleships in Pearl Harbor.
The Arizona was blown up. The Nevada, with a hole in her side,
was settled in the mud. The California lay on her side. The West
Virginia, torpedoed six times, rested on the bottom. The
Pennsylvania and Maryland were badly bombed. The
Oklahoma sank on her side in the shallow water. Three cruisers
were badly bombed. Three destroyers were sunk. A large
drydock was destroyed. The Utah and the Ogalala were sunk.
The Army and Navy had had nearly 5000 casualties. They lost
197 planes. In time nearly all of these vessels were reclaimed. A
few were out in a month. But generally the damage had not
been repaired until the Japanese had completed the conquest of
the Philippines, Malay and Singapore and much of the rich
Indies of the British and Dutch and stood at the gateway to
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Australia, Why had Knox lied? To deceive the Japanese? Hide
from them the extent of our losses? The Japanese knew them
only too well He lied to deceive the American people who had
been led to believe the Japanese would be a pushover and who,
had they known the full extent of the losses, would have been
more clamorous for the heads of the guilty.
The Attack on Kimmel and Short
Not only was it necessary to conceal the losses. It was necessary
to find a scapegoat. Somebody had committed a blunder of
historic dimensions. Was it the commanders? Or was it the
High Command in Washington? Or was it an even more
eminent personage? Of course there had to be an investigation.
It was important, therefore, that the investigation be controlled.
Congress was clamoring for a congressional inquiry. The
Administration blocked that. The President and Knox, along
with the Commanders were, pending inquiry, equally suspect.
But the President named Knox to do the investigating.
Meantime the mud began to fly at Kimmel and Short.
Congressman Dingell, New Deal stalwart, let fly in the House.
Knowing nothing of the facts he demanded that Kimmel and
Short be court-martialed. New Deal newspapers took up the cry.
Stories were told of how most of the sailors and marines were
ashore after a Saturday night drunk, how all the officers even,
were sleeping off the fatigue of late Saturday night parties, how
Short and Kimmel themselves were at late parties and of how
the two commanders, divided by professional jealousies, seldom
spoke to each other and conferred but little about the defense of
the island.
In five days Knox was back with the inevitable "report." Of
course Knox pointed no accusing finger either at himself or the
President. He said: "The United States services were not on
alert against the surprise attack. The fact calls for a full
investigation which will be initiated immediately by the
president." An indignant outcry broke out against the smeared
officers in Congress. Then came the "investigation." The
President named a five-man commission. Four were officers
who could be depended on not to blame the War and Naval
Secretaries or the President. But Justice Roberts was a
Republican. This was a master stroke. What the public
overlooked was that Roberts had been one of the most
clamorous among those screaming for an open declaration of
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war. He had doffed his robes, taken to the platform in his
frantic apprehensions and demanded that we immediately unite
with Great Britain in a single nation. The Pearl Harbor incident
had given him what he had been yelling for – America's
entrance into the war. On the war issue he was one of the
President's most impressive allies. Now he had his wish. He
could be depended on not to cast any stain upon it in its
infancy.
His commission went to Pearl Harbor and investigated. But it
was specifically enjoined from investigating the other segments
of the story in Washington. Certain essential documents were
deliberately concealed from it. It came up with the expected
indictment – putting the blame on Kimmel and Short and
calling for their court-martial. That fixed the black spot on the
Commanders. They were relieved of their posts. They were
forbidden to make any statement or enter into any discussion of
their innocence. And it was then announced there would be no
court-martial. The black spot was fastened on the two helpless
victims to stay. The White House took over the management of
the whole affair. Army and Naval officials, when asked for
statements, said: "The White House is doing the talking." And it
did none. It wanted to forget the case. It said: "Let's get on with
the war."
From time to time voices rose in Congress to ask some degree of
justice for the accused men. Finally Congress, by resolution,
ordered the Army and Navy to make formal inquiry of the
indicted officers. Boards were named in each Service and the
inquiries were made. The Boards reported to their Army and
Navy Secretaries in November, 1944. The reports were
suppressed by the President on the pretense that military safety
required it. Now nine months later President Truman, without
knowing enough of the whole intrigue, has given out the reports
when it is realized that an angry Congress is about to demand
them. The reports have been subjected to alterations and
deletions. Kimmel and Short are again smeared and with them
Hull, Marshall and Stark. The reports still withhold the gravest
facts – those revealed here. And Kimmel and Short, thus
dishonored, are still denied a court martial and even a chance to
speak up in their defense.
The Surprise Attack
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The next bead in the bracelet of defense of the Administration
has been that the Army and Navy and the President himself
were taken completely by surprise. While they look upon this as
a defense for themselves, they apparently do not think it a
defense for Kimmel and Short. The theory, endlessly repeated
by radio and press, is that we were at peace, that we were
actually negotiating for a peaceful settlement and that the
President was waiting in complete security for the Japanese
answer to his last proposal for peace when, out of a clear sky,
the bombs began to fail on Pearl Harbor.
Here is the government's whole case. Our government, while
trying to induce Japan to enter upon a peaceful settlement, was
taken by carefully studied surprise. But, notwithstanding the
surprise, that Government had adequately warned Kimmel and
Short of the attack which it did not expect; the Admiral and
General did not put their commands on the alert required, and
as a consequence the great naval base was exposed to the full
fury of the Japanese treachery.
THE FICTION OF PEACE BEFORE
PEARL HARBOR
There is a story of profound importance yet to be told about the
state of peace so far as America was concerned before Pearl
Harbor. Certainly we had not declared war. But we had sent an
army across the sea to Iceland to join the British army there; we
had been sending arms, ammunition and destroyers and planes
as a gift to Britain and France and China. We had been with our
warships hunting down German submarines for British planes
and even bombing them. On November 25, W. Averill
Harriman, the President's agent in London, said: "The United
States Navy is shooting the Germans – German submarines and
aircraft at sea." And on September 20, 1941, a dispatch from
Hyde Park reported that "More than half of the United States
Navy is forced to remain in the Pacific at a time when the
United States is operating against German and Italian
submarines and air raiders in the Atlantic." In the Pacific we
had cut off all shipments and trade of essential materials with
Japan and frozen and seized here $130,000,000 of her funds,
which Walter Lippmann called "a declaration of economic
warfare." We had sent an American military mission to China
and an American economic adviser to Chiang Kai-shek. We had
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sent General Chennault with a large number of American army
fliers to China to fight with Chiang's army. At the Atlantic
Charter meeting, Churchill had urged Roosevelt to send an
ultimatum to Japan at once. He replied saying: "Let me baby
her along for another three months."
Mr. Grew, our Ambassador to Tokyo, had advised Roosevelt in
December, 1940, that the hope of peace had vanished in the
East and that it was no longer a question of whether we would
have war with Japan but when. The United States must decide
whether it should be later or now. And he, Grew, was for now.
To this, on January 21, 1941, Roosevelt replied that he
completely agreed with Mr. Grew. And a few weeks later
Admiral Stark notified Admiral Kimmel that "war with Japan is
no longer a question of whether but of when."
There is no room here to discuss these interesting features of
what is now a section of history. I do not wish to enter into any
consideration here of whether the warlike acts of the President
listed above were wise or not. Certainly he was supported in
them by large and important groups. I recall them now merely
to supply certain features of the international scenery in which
the events I am describing took place.
THE BATTLEFIELD AND WHAT
AMERICA HAD ON IT
The Actors in the Drama
The Commander of all our military forces was General George
C. Marshall, Chief of Staff. The Commander of the Navy was
Admiral Harold R. Stark, Chief of Naval Operations. Both, of
course, were subject to the President who had by now got into
the habit of referring to himself as the Commander-in-chief.
This was not a mere peccadillo. He was already performing
directly that function, issuing orders to Stark which the
Secretary of the Navy knew nothing of and issuing orders to
Marshall without consulting the Secretary of War. His
intrusions into operations of the Navy were more frequent
because, while Roosevelt had, under the influence of flatterers
who surrounded him, come to think of himself as a master of
diplomacy, an expert in political economy, an adept in political
manipulation, a wizard in public finance, a profound student of
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foreign affairs and a military strategist of large dimensions, he
regarded himself as little less than a genius in naval
organization and direction. This obsession led to the habit of
secrecy to avoid the annoyance of hostile advice upon projects
he wished to manage.
Thus in June, when he directed the transfer of naval vessels
from the Pacific to the Atlantic, the Secretary of the Navy heard
about it first from the Secretary of War. Later, when Hull was
asked what had happened to the proposals submitted by the
Japanese Premier directly to the President, he said: "I am
wondering myself." We have seen that the Chief of Naval
Operations could not find out what our plans for the Pacific war
were and an American Admiral first learned of certain plans of
our government in his theater from a British admiral. We have
seen this headstrong man, surrounded by subservient and
obsequious courtiers like Harry Hopkins, Henry Wallace, Sam
Rosenman and others, playing secretly the devious game of
diplomacy with the Japanese and running, often behind the
backs of his admirals and generals, segments of a rapidly
developing war in two vast oceans.
The point upon which all the forces we have been examining
were converging was the small island of Oahu and, in particular,
its great naval base near Honolulu – Pearl Harbor. It was
supposed to be one of the strongest in the world. The
commander of the military establishment in Hawaii was
General Walter C. Short. The Pacific Fleet was based at Pearl
Harbor and it was under the command of Admiral Husband E.
Kimmel. Responsibility for the defense of the island was in the
hands of General Short. Admiral Kimmel was expected to give
whatever assistance was required from the Navy. But Admiral
Kimmel's area of operations extended over the whole Pacific.
Further to the West was the Asiatic Fleet based in the
Philippines and under the command of Admiral Thomas C.
Hart.
Why Was the Fleet in Pearl Harbor?
Here we must note a fact of great importance. The Pacific Fleet
had always been based on our West Coast. Pearl Harbor was a
supply and repair ase of operations in the mid-Pacific. It was
Roosevelt who forced the change of bringing the Fleet into Pearl
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in-Chief of the Pacific Fleet. He was one of the Navy's foremost
figures. Since his earliest days, after leaving Annapolis, he had
made the study of Japanese warfare his life work. He was
beyond question the Navy's outstanding authority upon Pacific
naval warfare and Japanese strategy.
He was the logical man for the post. As the war clouds darkened
over the Pacific he was in the spot for which his whole
professional life had been a training. Richardson was ordered to
berth the Pacific Fleet in Pearl Harbor. This he refused to do –
an act no one but a very distinguished officer could risk. He was
ordered a second time and again refused. It was Richardson's
belief – and indeed generally supported by the Navy – that the
Fleet should never be berthed inside Pearl Harbor where it
would be a mark for attack. This was particularly true in such
troubled times when the airways of the East were hot with
rumors of approaching conflict. What is more, Richardson held
the belief that Pearl Harbor was the logical first point of attack
for the Japanese High Command, wedded as it was to the
theory of undeclared and surprise warfare.
But Richardson was overruled by Roosevelt, the amateur
admiral. Whether Richardson was relieved of his command or
resigned in protest I do not know. Certainly he departed from it.
At this point, Admiral Husband E. Kimmel was placed in
command. What his views were on the berthing of the Fleet in
Pearl Harbor I do not know. But in time he came to look upon
the Harbor as extremely vulnerable. He arrived at the
conclusion that the Fleet should not be held in Pearl Harbor,
that it was a mistake to keep it there for political rather than
naval reasons and that the longer it was kept there for political
reasons the more difficult it would be to withdraw it without
creating further international political repercussions. His advice
on this was disregarded, as was Richardson's. He soon learned
that neither he nor the Navy Command was running the United
States Navy. This was another terrible blunder responsible for
the tragedy at Pearl Harbor.
In November, 1941, just before the battle, the United States had
in its Navy 216 major surface combat ships. The Pacific had
always been the home of the greater portion of these vessels.
But as the menace grew in Asia where the President looked
upon war as certain, he began transferring war vessels to the
Atlantic.
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Our Battle Strength in Pearl Harbor
By June there were 114 major surface combat vessels in the
Atlantic and only 102 in the Pacific. Moreover by this time the
President had given away 50 destroyers to the British and these
were desperately needed by Kimmel as the crisis neared. While
some of our pulp-paper generals and statesmen were telling the
people that Japan was a pushover, the United States, Britain
and the Dutch combined had in the Pacific 152 major combat
vessels against Japan's 180 – perhaps more. The advantage of
surprise lay with her and the battlefield was thousands of miles
closer to her shores than to ours. I should add that nearly 40 of
the vessels we had were laid up for repairs. Much of the trained
personnel had been taken away for service in the Atlantic,
leaving the Pacific Fleet manned heavily by raw recruits. These
required constant training: Admiral Kimmel wrote to the Navy
begging to be kept informed of the international situation so
that he could know when to convert from training to service
routines.
Despite all this, while the President was ordering Kimmel to
"keep ships popping up here and there to worry the Japanese"
and Stark was instructing him to make plans for bombing
inflammable targets in Japan, the President in May transferred
from the Pacific to the Atlantic three battleships, six cruisers, 18
destroyers, six transports with all the trained marines on the
West Coast. The commanders in the Pacific protested without
avail. Then in June the President ordered the transfer of three
more battleships, four more cruisers, and two squadrons of
destroyers to the Atlantic. The naval defenses of the Pacific were
being stripped by the President. Stark protested in vain. Then
Kimmel went directly to the President and succeeded in
dissuading him from this last raid upon his Fleet.
By this time the President's chief adviser on such matters –
where he wanted advice – was Harry Hopkins, whose carefully
taken policy was always to please the President. On one
occasion a distinguished admiral had to go to Mr. Hopkins'
bedroom where Hopkins, reclining in his pajamas, gave him a
curt "no" to his appeal not to take away any further vessels from
his area. Next Admiral King demanded the transfer of more
ships from the Pacific to his Atlantic command. Knox was
agreeable. It was prevented by Stark's resistance.
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The islands' inadequacy in planes was deplorable. The Navy was
responsible for long-distance reconnaissance. This meant
observations 800 miles all around from Oahu. To do this
properly Kimmel would need not less than 180 patrol planes.
Kimmel had only 80 or 90 long-distance patrol planes. He had
a couple of squadrons of marine planes. He had two carriers – a
third was up for repairs. The Army was much worse off. If the
Navy were called away the Army would have to take over longdistance reconnaissance. It should have had 180 B-17s for longdistance patrol. It had six. It had had 12 but was forced to
dismantle six to keep the other six supplied with parts for flying.
It should have had at least 200 fighter planes. It had few old P36's not suitable for combat, ten A-20's good for 600 miles
flight (300 miles out and back) and a bunch of old B-18's which
could not be used against an enemy without inviting suicide.
Less than ten days before Pearl Harbor, the Army and Navy
proposed to ship 50 planes from Hawaii to Wake and Midway
and a similar movement of Marines and Army personnel. It
would have depleted the Army's already pitiful fighter strength
by 40 per cent. General Short continually begged for more
planes, more men, more detection equipment. Instead of
getting reinforcement in the imminent peril of war, the two men
had to fight continually to hold what they had. Kimmel too had
protested frequently. He advised against "backing into war. If
we have decided on war it would be better to take direct
defensive action."
The stripping of the naval and airplane and military defenses of
Hawaii – particularly of the naval defenses – was another great
cause of the disaster at Pearl Harbor. And this was done by the
amateur Commander-in-chief over the advice and protests of
his military and naval advisers and of Admiral Kimmel and
General Short.
This pathetic tragedy of blunders may be summed up as
follows:
1. By January l, 1941, Roosevelt had decided to go to war with
Japan.
2. But he had solemnly pledged the people he would not take
their sons to foreign wars unless attacked. Hence he dared
not attack and so decided to provoke the Japanese to do
so.
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3. He kept all this a secret from the Army and Navy.
4. He felt the moment to provoke the attack had come by
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
November. He ended negotiations abruptly November 26
by handing the Japanese an ultimatum which he knew
they dared not comply with.
Immediately he knew his ruse would succeed, that the
Japanese looked upon relations as ended and were
preparing for the assault. He knew this from the
intercepted messages.
He was certain the attack would be against British
territory, at Singapore perhaps, and perhaps on the
Philippines or Guam. If on the Philippines or Guam he
would have his desired attack. But if only British territory
were attacked could he safely start shooting? He decided
he could and committed himself to the British
government. Rut he never revealed this to his naval chief.
He did not order Short to change his alert and he did not
order Kimmel to take his fleet out of Pearl Harbor, out
where it could defend itself, because he wanted to create
the appearance of being completely at peace and surprised
when the Japs started shooting. Hence he ordered Kimmel
and Short not to do anything to cause alarm or suspicion.
He was completely sure the Japanese would not strike at
Pearl Harbor.
Thus he completely miscalculated. He disregarded the
advice of men who always held that Pearl Harbor would be
first attacked. He disregarded the warning implicit in the
hour chosen for attack and called to Knox's attention. He
disregarded the advice of his chiefs that we were
unprepared.
When the attack came he was appalled and frightened. He
dared not give the facts to the country. To save himself he
maneuvered to lay the blame upon Kimmel and Short. To
prevent them from proving their innocence he refused
them a trial. When the case was investigated by two naval
and army boards, he suppressed the reports. He
threatened prosecution to any man who would tell the
truth.
Now, if there is a shred of decency left in the American people
they will demand that Congress open the whole ugly business to
the light of day.
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