Turkey

Using a nationally representative dataset from Turkey, we examined the effects of national identity, religious identity, religious practice, and intergroup contact on social distance towards disliked groups along ethnic (Turks vs. Kurds), religious (Sunnis vs. Alevis) and ideological divides (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). We used structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine two mechanisms (via perceived threat and empathy) through which ingroup identification and intergroup contact influence social distance toward disliked groups. Perceived threat, but not empathy, mediated the effect of national identification on higher social distance towards Kurds, AKP supporters and AKP opponents. Both perceived threat and empathy mediated the effects of religious practice on distance towards Alevis. Intergroup contact had both direct and indirect effects (via threat and empathy) on social distance. Multigroup SEM showed that contact's effects did not vary across outgroup targets. By contrast, the effects of national and religious identity on social distance varied depending on the outgroup target. The findings highlight the importance of considering identity content and meaning attached to social categories in making predictions about the influence of identification with different social categories. The study of intergroup relations in social and political psychology has contributed to our understanding of societal conflict by shedding light on the drivers of intergroup conflict and tensions. A growing body of literature has examined the consequences of ingroup identification with groups at different levels of inclusiveness (e.g., Wohl & Branscombe, 2005) and of intergroup contact (e.g., Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006) in predicting attitudes toward outgroups in conflict. Typically, this research has examined one set of intergroup relations or conflict at a time, often in a context or a target group chosen by the researchers. Intergroup tensions, however, exist across multiple social groups simultaneously, such as ethnic, religious, or ideological divides. Such contexts raise questions about the implications of identification with different groups, and of intergroup contact, for societal polarization (e.g., social exclusion). When conflict exists along different fault lines, the same group (e.g., religious) can serve as a superordinate, a cross-cutting, or an exclusive identity. Importantly, the meaning attached to social groups also matters. Some groups are judged positively, while others are seen as threatening. Therefore, ingroup identification should have different implications depending on both the boundaries and the content of group identity. In the present research, we examined the influence of identification with two important groups-national and religious-as well as the level of intergroup contact social distance along three main societal divisions in Turkey: the ethnic divide (Turks vs. Kurds), the religious divide (Sunni vs. Alevis), and the ideological divide (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP)-Justice

The nature of the relationship between the Assyrian state and the Syro-Hittite states is often represented in the writings of archaeologists and ancient historians under the rubric of imperialism, Assyrian sovereignty, and the Syro-Hittite resistance, an unchanging formula largely based on center-periphery models. This structuralist model of fixed relationships is thus characterized as a firmly-set trajectory of power relations and a teleological narrative of conquest, ending without exception with the eventual and complete submission and subjugation of Syro-Hittite states to Assyrian military power. While Syro-Hittite states are represented as vulnerable and politically weak entities, the Assyrian state is referred as an “expansionistic imperial power” or “superior invading force”. Had they escaped direct Assyrian sovereignty, these peripheral communities were at least deemed “Assyrianizing” in their material culture. This a priori qualification of Syro-Hittite-Assyrian relationships as an imbalanced power distribution is an outcome of the preponderance of studies of Assyrian sovereignty with an obsession with the (cosmic) image of the sovereign in his visual and verbal manifestations. Secondly it is often assumed that the study of Assyrian imperialism has always operated through coercion and military violence. Alternative forms of engagement between the Neo-Assyrian state and the Syro-Hittite kingdoms such as diplomacy, political negotiation, trade, exchange of ideas, politics of settlement, land management, taxation or traveling craftsmen and circulation of technology and knowledge are much more rarely discussed. In this paper, I suggest that historical perspectives on the unchallenged Assyrian imperialism are often driven by the alluring, yet biased perspectives offered by the sumptuous, if not excessive corpus of Assyrian annalistic accounts, state sponsored texts, and imperial monuments. Therefore such perspectives prioritize short-term political histories of conquest and domination over other longer term and more horizontally distributed aspects of the past such as cultural practices, ecological histories, political landscapes, socialization, or material worlds. The historicist accounts of the Near Eastern past can be challenged and perhaps balanced by evidence offered by archaeological, material, and environmental research, which present alternative and often contrasting perspectives on these particular histories. Prioritizing textual evidence often leaves out the material flows, delicate negotiations of power, dynamics of trade and exchange and the politics of resource extraction. Attending to other forms of evidence allows us to reflect on the complexity of the relationships between Assyria and the Syro-Hittite states. In this article, I pay particular attention to such interactions and encounters that are other than military in nature, and give priority to material evidence that challenge standard imperialist narratives of Assyrian textual accounts.

We invite applications for our panel "Figuring It Out: Crises and Resistance in Graphic Novels, Comics, and Cartoons" at the XV Conference of the Italian Society for Middle Eastern Studies (SeSaMO). The conference will be held in presence at L’Orientale University of Naples (Naples, Italy) on June 22-24, 2022.

The current migration cooperation framework between the EU and Turkey was devised mainly as a response to the large-scale movements of 2015–2016, and the policy crisis they provoked inside the EU. Judged not exclusively but primarily by its performance in reducing irregular crossings from Turkey to Greece, and thus by its contribution to momentarily alleviating the policy crisis in the EU, cooperation has been regarded as highly effective. Yet, the type of mixed migration that is of concern to both sides is driven by structural factors, which are likely to occasionally escalate into humanitarian crises, calling for sustainable policy and cooperation approaches that are also emergency-proof. In line with this perspective, this paper examines how the current migration cooperation between the EU and Turkey fares in terms of producing durable responses to mixed migration in the Eastern Mediterranean context, and identifies the main challenges ahead to render both the cooperation and the policy solutions it produces more sustainable.

The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with
direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the
development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate
impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the
world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student
movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics
that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on
reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a
revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.

In the aftermath of the July 15, 2016 attempted coup, the decision of the Parliament of July 20, 2016 approving the declaration of the state of emergency, enabled the government to enact emergency decree laws.

Civil society in Turkey has been long affected by a number of destabilizing pressures, including renewed tensions over the Kurdish conflict, instability spilling over from neighboring Syria, a series of terrorist attacks by ISIL, the increasing flow of refugees, political deadlocks, an economic decline and most devastating, a coup attempt aftermath. The political instability has paved way for a state of constant readiness to curb basic freedoms, including the freedoms of association, assembly and expression, allegedly for the sake of the preserving “national security” or “public order”.

In recent years, the authorities in Turkey have established a disturbing track-record of suppressing dissent and gradually restricting human rights and fundamental freedoms, including obstructing by various means the work of human rights defenders, restricting the environment in which they operate and often targeting them directly.

To compare the clinical outcomes of cryopreservation according to the indications for freezing and the outcomes of the fresh cycle from which the embryos were derived. Retrospective study. Private assisted-reproduction unit. Three thousand, three hundred and sixty-eight embryos in 702 frozen-thawed embryo transfer (ET) cycles. Clinical outcomes of frozen-thawed ET cycles in which embryos were derived from fresh conception cycles (n = 436), from fresh nonconception cycles (n = 180), or where the fresh cycle was cancelled due to impending ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome (OHSS) (n = 86). Cryosurvival, clinical pregnancy, and implantation rates. Despite similar cryosurvival rates and the transfer of a similar number of embryos, significantly higher clinical pregnancy and implantation rates were obtained in the fresh-conception and OHSS groups. The implantation potential of frozen-thawed embryos that were not selected in a prior fresh cycle was comparable to that of embryos selected for fresh transfer. The success of frozen-thawed ET depends on the outcome of fresh ET and the indications for cryopreservation. Success is similar to that of fresh ET cycles in patients who had all their embryos frozen due to impending OHSS.

Dear Colleagues,‎

We are proud to bring to you the latest edition of the FORTNIGHTLY, a review of Middle East ‎business, developments and news, for the period ending 2 October 2019.‎

Some highlights of this issue include the following:‎

‎2.3  Cox Automotive Begins Israel Auto-Tech Operations

‎3.3  Dubai's Retail Sector Undergoing a Major Transformation Due to e-Commerce

‎8.3  Strauss Group Reduces Sugar in Its Milk Chocolate by 30% with No Artificial Substitutes

‎9.8  US Defense Innovation Unit Selects D-Fend Solutions' Counter Drone System

‎10.1  Israel Ranked 38th in the World for Economic Freedom

‎11.4  EGYPT:  Israel to Start Exporting Natural Gas to Egypt as Last Obstacle Is Removed

In addition, if you would like to bring to our attention any relevant Middle Eastern regional ‎development of interest, please notify me at: seth.vogelman@atid-edi.com.‎

This paper will discuss the political and legal aspects of the maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean and the factors relevant to their conciliation. The first part of the paper introduces the Mediterranean Sea and the relevance of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) regime in its basins. Subsequently, the author summarizes relevant historical cleavages in the Levant Basin, with a focus on relevant modern Lebanese-Israeli, Lebanese-Syrian and inter-Cypriot events. Part III will discuss the increasing interest in EEZ delimitation over the past decade due to hydrocarbon prospects in the Eastern Mediterranean and the geopolitical and maritime challenges that have since taken shape. Finally, based on the Law of the Sea and previous examples from around the world, the author discusses relevant legal avenues for achieving balanced solutions to maritime tensions in the region and presents the most relevant criteria in delimiting maritime boundaries.

This study explores who Turkish citizens view as the Other, their perceptions, evaluations, and the degree of Othering of these groups in the private and public spheres. Drawing from varied political science and social psychology literature, it also examines the role of social contact, perceived threat, and the strength of national and religious identification in predicting levels of Othering. Using a national representative sample, the findings reveal that Kurds are the most Othered group in the private sphere, while both Kurds and AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) supporters are the most Othered groups in the public sphere. Regardless of who the Other is, lower social contact and higher levels of perceived threat are associated with higher levels of Othering of Kurds, Alevis, AKP supporters, and AKP opponents in both the private and public spheres.

Keywords: Othering, Turkey, polarisation, ethnicity, sectarianism, ideological divide

Ayhan Aktar has been working on anti-minority policies in modern Turkey since 1991. In the Ottoman Empire’s final decade (in 1906), non-Muslims constituted 20% of the population; by 1927, they were reduced to 2.5% and, nowadays, they make up less than 0.02% of the population of Modern Turkey. Armenians were subjected to deportations (1915), Greeks were ‘exchanged’ (1922–1924) and Jews were forced to migrate abroad (after 1945). Like many other nation-states in the Near East, Turkey has been able to homogenize its population on religious grounds. This book is a collection of Aktar's articles about this transformation.

Aktar criticises nationalist historiographies and argues "For instance, a scholar conducting research on the Jewish community during the republican period could easily come to the conclusion that only Jews were discriminated against by the Turkish state. However, this is only partially true! All non-Muslim minorities were discriminated against and their stories cannot be understood unless the Turkish state and its policies are placed at centre stage. Utilizing diplomatic correspondence in the British and US National Archives has enabled me to understand anti-minority policies as a whole and to treat the subject within a totality."

This book will interest scholars and students of nationalism, minority studies and Turkish history and politics.

This dissertation examines the extent in which state policies have affected the Roma in Turkey by looking into the reasons for their poverty and social exclusion as well as into the survival mechanisms and livelihoods strategies they have employed as a response. The study addresses the situation of the Roma from the perspective of the approach the Turkish state has had on ethnicities, the accession conditionalities imposed by the European Union and the neo-liberal policies implemented by the government after 2002. Broadly, the study illustrates the impact of long-lasting structural invisibilization towards the Roma as well as the manner in which the Roma have positioned themselves and negotiated with power in order to survive. Having in mind that the first official measure of the 2010 Roma Opening initiative of the AKP Government was the provision of housing, the dissertation focuses particularly on the housing policies that have had an impact on the livelihoods strategies of the Roma in Turkey: the “housing for the Roma” [Tr. Roman konutları] initiative and the urban regeneration [Tr. kentsel dönüşüm] projects run by the state authorities all over Turkey. The research shows that, while the Roma have been long affected by the invisibilisation and exclusion of the state policies, the provision of housing alone, without accompanying measures and without taking into account the needs and specificity of the communities targeted, does not have the potential to get the Roma out of poverty nor to tackle their exclusion. Moreover, the demolition of the gecekondu settlements and its consequential displacement sets poor Roma on a more vulnerable path from which they have difficulty to recover and to find sustainable livelihoods strategies.

Brennan’ın kitabını önemli kılan birincil etken, yolculuğunu Irak savaşı başlamadan kısa süre önce, 2000 – 2001 yıllarında gerçekleştirmiş oluşudur. Ksenophon’un yolculuğuna tanıklık etmiş anıtların, kentlerin ve yeryüzü şekillerinin birçoğu, savaş süresince yok edilecektir. Oturduğumuz yerden bizi yolculuğa çıkaran bu kitap, gezi edebiyatının benzersiz bir örneğini oluşturmaktadır. Son yıllarda patlamaya hazır bir coğrafyaya dönüşen bölgede, okuyucuları Ksenophon’un izinden güvenle gezdirir. Geçmişin ve günümüzün anlatıldığı öyküler birbiriyle öyle dengeli harmanlanmıştır ki, okuyucu hem eğlenir hem de tarihe yönelik akademik bilgiler edinir. Brennan, dürüst ve açık anlatımıyla, yolculuğun getirdiği mutlulukları ve zorlukları tüm yalınlığıyla betimlemesiyle ve hem coğrafyaya hem kültürlere hem de kimisi dost canlısı, kimisi düşmanca davranan yerli halka dair gözlemleriyle, okuyucuyu kitabın içine çekip, yolculuğa çıkan okuyucunun kendisiymiş gibi hissettiriyor.
Prof. Jonathan Burgess (Toronto Üniversitesi)

The subject researched and discussed in this thesis hereby is the influence of Italian architecture (architects of Italian origin including Levantines) on Ottoman - Turkish (Muslim) architecture. It is aimed to follow-up the traces of this influence via the structures constructed as well as the architects. Muslims, certainly, were in contact with Christian architecture also previously. "Crusaders", who invaded regions in the Muslim geography including Jerusalem, founded states and constructed numerous structures 300 - 400 years ago. However, subsequent to 1453 following the conquest of Istanbul by Ottomans, the most important Muslim state of the era, two civilizations (Christian civilization and Muslim Ottoman civilization) began to have a much closer contact. Destructiveness during the first years of the conquest ended and different architectural styles emerged in a peaceful environment and they influenced each other. This interaction did not only include the emergence of structures of the Christian world and structures of Muslim Turks side by side. Even mosques, the most important structures of the Muslim architecture, adopted and internalized construction features of the Christian architectural movements. In this thesis, it is focused both on determining the independent structures built completely in western styles by the Italian architects as well as identifying the signs of Italian influence on the Muslim architecture. As is known, Istanbul was ruled through the Greeks from Megara followed by the Byzantine and Roman periods. As such, Istanbul already had Christian (actually Italian due to the presence of the Rome, Venice, Genoa, Florence city-states) architecture. Accordingly, Ottomans would inevitably be influenced through the traces of previous civilizations. And they were. But the influence had gone far beyond this. The influence was not limited to include the architectural features of the old buildings to the knowledge of the Turkish Ottoman architects but especially Istanbul, the capital, was opened again to the works of Western architects, including mainly Italians. As a result of this, a very profound influence source was established. How and to what extent did this interaction flow? In which structural elements are they reflected? I aimed to reveal these issues by showing the respect of a novice in scientific research striving to remain humble in my thesis.

Modern Türkiye’de Siyasî Düşünce külliyatının Modernleşme ve Batıcılık cildini inceleyeceğiz. Bu cilt dizinin diğer kitapları gibi çeşitli düşünürlerin yazılarından oluşmaktadır. Külliyat siyasi fikirlere odaklanmışken bu cildin de Türkiye’nin batılılaşma çabasındaki siyasi durumu ele aldığı görülmektedir.

Çöplerin birikmesini takiben çürümeyle birlikte kimyasal ve bakteriyel süreçler başlamakta ve organik çöp materyalleri dönüşüme uğrayarak çöpler dekompoze olmakta ve gaz oluşumu çöplerin kapatılmasını izleyen üç aylık aerobik reaksiyonların ardından başlayan anaerobik stabilizasyonu reaksiyonlarla başlar ve bir süre giderek çoğalır, Neticede biogas türü olan çöplük gazına dönüşmektedir. Çöplük gazı; Metan (CH 4), Karbondioksid (CO2) ve Azot (N2) den oluşan bir gaz karışımıdır.Kontrolsüz Metan gazının kendisi hali hazırda adeta bir saatli bombadır. Maden Ocaklarındaki grizu patlamasının sabıkalısı olan gazdır o. Gazın oluşumu çöpün cinsi,çöplüklerin örtüsü,çöplüğün işletilme şekline bağlı olarak değişir. Kötü koku yaymanın vereceği rahatsızlığın yanısıra çöplük gazlan; çevreyi menfi yönde etkilemekte,kirletmekte ve potansiyel riskler taşımaktadır. Bu olumsuz negatif etkiler içinden sağlık açısından bir tehdit olduğu gibi çöp sahalarındaki metan gazı salınımı bitkilerin oluşumunu da engeller. Habitat fauna ve flora etkilenir. Diğer yandan gaz sıkışması nedeniyle,(yakın zamanda Mayıs(2017) ayında Bodrum'da ki patlama ve yangında olduğu gibi) patlama tehlikesi ve yangın riski taşır hatta bu yangının yayılması ormanlara sıçradığında da doğayı tahrip etme riski taşır. Ayrıca çöplük gazlan; sera etkisini arttırdığı ve ozon tabakasının üst katmanlarına zarar verdiğinden dolayı çöplük gazlarının atmosfere atılması yasaktır ve Doğanın korunması için çöplük gazlarının yakılarak imha edilmesi zorunludurBu bir gaz yakma bacasında, kazanda, bir gaz motorunda veyahut üçünün kombinasyonundan oluşan bir sistemde gerçekleştirebilmektedir. Fotograf : http://www.eprenewable.com/landfill-gas-to-energy Diğer yandan çöp sahasında açılan kuyular aracılığıyla metan gazının toplanıp borular vasıtasıyla ile " Enerji Tesisine " iletilimesi sonrası gaz kurutucuda soğutularak nemi alındıktan sonra siklon seperatör ile gazdaki suyun ayrıştırılmasını müteakip blower " lar aracılığı ile

ÖZ Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetlerinin engellilik olgusuna yaklaşımını hükümet programları çerçevesinde ele almaktır. Bu doğrultuda çalışmada, içerik analizi yöntemi ile 1923'ten bu güne kadar göreve gelmiş 65 hükümet tarafından hazırlanan program incelenmiştir. Çalışmada öncelikle hükümet programlarında yer alan engellilere yönelik amaç ve hedefler ortaya konulmuştur. Daha sonra bu amaç ve hedeflerin, engellilerin sorunlarının yoğunlaştığı " ayrımcılık yasağı ve eşitlik, erişilebilirlik, istihdam, eğitim, sağlık ve rehabilitasyon, sosyal yardımlar, mevzuat ve kurumsal yapı " alanları çerçevesinde dağılımı ele alınmıştır. Elde edilen bulgulara göre, engellilik son döneme kadar hükümet programlarında sınırlı düzeyde yer almıştır. Engellilere yönelik amaç ve hedefler daha çok sosyal yardımlar etrafında yoğunlaşmıştır. Ancak 58. Hükümet (2002-2003) ile birlikte bu amaç ve hedeflerin çeşitlendiği ve çağdaş bir engellilik yaklaşımının benimsendiği tespit edilmiştir. ABSTRACT The aim of this study is to handle the approach of the Governments of the Republic of Turkey to the disability fact within the framework of government programs. According to this aim, the government programs which were prepared by 65 govenment which has been establisheb between 1923 and today are analyzed with content analysis method. In the study primarily, the goals and targets for disabled people which are included in the government programs are revealed. Then, the distribution of these goals and targets was handled within the framework the eight fields as " non-discrimination and equality, accessibility, employment, education, health and rehabilitation, social assistance, legislation and institutional structure " in which the problems of people with disabilities are more intense. According to the findings result, disability was taken limited part in the government programs until the last years. The goals and targets for disabled people are concentrated around social assistance field. But with the 58th Goverment (2002-2003) it has been determined that these goals and targets are diversified and a modern disability approach is adopted.

Classical geopolitical analysis comes to remind us that it is still present as a tool for decoding the interstate antagonisms as well as the global and the regional re-distributions of power. To be accurate , this never stopped happening; the post-Cold War 'neo-liberal vertigo' simply permitted many well-known fi gures of the greater academia to forget, to ignore and to doubt. The evolutions, during almost the last decade in the Greater Middle East, have made geopolitical analysis timelier than ever. The subsystem of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey is the operator of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement and, in these terms, it represents a main set of forces behind the pressures for redistribution of power and roles in the region. The current paper refers to the systemic geopolitical analysis to focus on Turkey's historical role in the Greater Middle East, its current ambitions and the mistakes having led its strategy to a stalemate. In this context, it is questioned which mistakes Turkey made, whether the overall neo-ottoman geostrategic policy recommendations are feasible and which elements of power are available for Turkey. Undoubtedly, power is the key towards an effective maximization of gains and a substantial increase of infl uence. For instance, Turkey's emphasis on the energy reserves of its greater region is still reasonable, while their nature itself underlines the worth of geopolitical analysis since it is identifi ed with the ontology of space and the intervening roles of group interests.

Cengiz Han’ın ölümü ile birlikte onun kurmuş olduğu büyük imparatorluk oğulları arasında pay edilmiştir. Çağatay Han,  Doğu ve Batı Türkistan’ın hemen hemen bütün bölgelerinde hakimiyet kurmuştur. Çağatay Hanlığı dini çeşitlilik bakımından kozmopolit bir yapıya sahiptir. Çagatay Han bu bölgelerde hakimiyetini sağlamlaştırmak maksadı ile istimâlet politikası gütmüştür. 1326 tarihinde Tarmaşirin Han Çağatay Hanlığı’nın hükümdarlığına geçmiş ve Müslümanlığı kabul ettikten sonra Alâeddin adını almıştır. Tarmaşirin’in İslamiyet’i kabul etmesi ile birlikte İslam ülkeleri ve Çağatay Hanlığı arasındaki ticari ve siyasi ilişkiler gelişme göstermiştir. Tarmaşirin’in İslam ülkeleri ile iyi ilişkiler içinde olması Moğol gelenek ve göreneklerine bağlı bazı kesimler tarafından hoş karşılanmamış ve Tarmaşirin’in amcaoğlu Bûzun’a bağlılıklarını bildirmişlerdir. Çağatay Hanlığı’nı yeniden canlandırmak isteyen gelenekçi Yedisu ve Cungarya’da bulunan Moğol beyleri Tarmaşirin’i tahttan indirerek onu öldürmüşlerdir. Tarmaşirin Han’ın öldürülmesi üzerine çıkan karışıklıklar ve istikrarsızlık hanlığın çöküşüne kadar gitmiştir. Siyasi bir birlikteliğin olmaması sonucu  Çağatay ulusu ikiye ayrılmıştır. Birisi yerleşik ve halkın çoğunluğu Müslüman olan Maverâünnehir, diğeri ise Moğol gelenek ve göreneklerine bağlı, atlı-göçebe kültürünü devam ettiren Moğolistan olmuştur.

With the death of Genghis Khan, the great empire he founded was shared among his sons. Chagatai Khan established dominance in almost all the regions of East and West Turkistan. Chagatai Khanate has a cosmopolitan structure in terms of
religious diversity. Chagatai Khan pursued a policy of exploitation in order to consolidate his dominance in these regions. In 1326, Tarmashirin Khan became the ruler of Chagatai Khanate and took the name Alaeddin after converting to Islam. With
Tarmashirin's adoption of Islam, trade and political relations between Islamic countries and Chagatai Khanate developed. The fact that Tarmashirin had good relations with Islamic countries was not welcomed by some sections of the Mongolian
traditions and customs and they announced their allegiance to his uncle's son Buzun. The traditional Mongolian lords in Yedisu and Dzungaria who wanted to revive the Chagatai Khanate, dethroned Tarmashirin and killed him. The turmoil and
instability following the killing of Tarmashirin Khan led all the way to the collapse of the khanate. As a result of the lack of political unity, the Chagatai nation was divided into two. One was the settled Transoxiana, the majority of which was
Muslim, and the other was Mongolia, which maintained its equestrian-nomadic culture, adhering to Mongolian traditions and customs.

The Syrian war will allow Russia to recover its naval presence in the Mediterranean. The Russian Navy will have more facilities at the same time that the Chinese Navy will appear in this scenario. This new situation will give us a new world order; this period we call "Tens Calm". Something similar happened after Bismarck Era, the period called "Armed Peace" (1890-1914), when the global balance was broken. This pre-war environment in the media could have been avoided. Russia today tries to recover its old deployment in the Mediterranean to become a global power.

Following the neoliberal restructuration of the Turkish welfare and banking systems in the 2000s, many veterans of Turkey’s Kurdish war faced debt enforcement due to failed payments for prosthetic limbs. Veterans responded to debt collection by turning their own bodies into spectacles of debt and sacrifice by publicly removing and showcasing their debt-ridden prostheses. The media interest in these prosthetic spectacles further amplified the visceral threat of dismemberment evoked by veterans’ embodied performances. The public debates surrounding “prosthesis repossession” cases extended well beyond veteran welfare issues, inscribing all sorts of social and political anxieties on the amputee veteran body, such as anxieties around the incommensurability between the value regimes of nationalism and neoliberalism or around the Syrian refugees. Providing a window into larger questions about the interconnections between disability, gender, nationalism, and neoliberal capitalism, prosthesis repossession cases show us how debt and disability coproduce each other at the nexus of consumer debt and nationalist welfare in Turkey. By homing in on the prosthetic re-membering and dismembering of veteran bodies in a rapidly changing health milieu, we see how the political economy of violence and the violence of political economy become complicit in the production of debt, dismemberment, and prosthetic rehabilitation.

Focusing on the religious aversion to representational arts in Islam and folkloric conventions about death and the dead in different regions of Turkey, this chapter focuses on visual culture of death within embodied everyday social practices of the ordinary. Starting from the Ottoman Empire, the funerals and representation of death underwent many changes especially after the establishment of the Republic; various practices coupled with photography according to time, place and conditions were seen. In this sense, this research examines the early memorial photographic examples starting from the Ottoman era and looks at the changing practices of bidding farewell to dead with the effects of modernization, as well as, present day uses of photographic representations in domestic displays of deceased loved ones and its online versions. Through the analysis of death related historical material from Turkey, this research focuses on the peculiar tensions they create as multi layered cultural texts that visually present social attitudes toward death in a Muslim society that is touched by western traces. The arguments made in this chapter are based on unique ‘found photographs’ from Turkey gathered by an archival study realized in antique markets. It is concluded by giving voice to the mourner and their practice of embedding funeral images to domestic sphere.

Dinin siyasete alet edilmemesi, din ve devlet işlerinin ayrıştırılması ve
toplumsal dinin laiklik ile dengeli bir görünüm arz etmesi meselesi uzun
yıllardır Türkiye’nin gündemindedir. Gerek dünyada gerekse de Türkiye’de
dinin toplumsal görünümü arttıkça, din ve siyaset ilişkisi daha da tartışmalı hale gelmektedir. Kamusal ve toplumsal alanda dini referansların yoğunlaştığı durumlarda Kemalist ideoloji özellikle laiklik ve modernizm ilkeleri bağlamında çeşitli refleksler ortaya koymaktadır. Kemalist ideolojinin ilkeleri açısından “sekülerlik ve laiklik” kavramları uygulama bağlamında seküler fundamentalizm olarak karşımıza çıkmakta; din ve siyaset ilişkisinin Türkiye’ye yönelik değerlendirmesinde farklı bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır.
Kemalizm, sekülerizm ve fundamentalizmi tartışmak için öncelikle
kavramsal çerçevenin çizilmesi gerekmektedir. Çalışmada laiklik, sekülerizm ve fundamentalizm ilişkisi bağlamında Kemalizm’in Türkiye uygulamalarının seküler fundamentalizme nasıl dönüştüğü tartışılmaktadır. Sekülerizm daha çok toplumsal yaşamın bir parçası olarak değerlendirilirken, laiklik rejimin korunması noktasında siyasal bir kavram olarak nitelendirilmektedir. Çalışma, kavramsal farklılıkların yanı sıra Kemalist ideolojinin laiklik ilkesinin uygulanmasının seküler fundamentalizme dönüştüğünü vurgulamaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Fundamentalizm, Kemalizm, Laiklik, Modernleşme,
Seküler Fundamentalizm, Sekülerizm.
KEMALISM AND SECULAR FUNDAMENTALISM
Abstract: The issue concerning religion should not be an instrument for
politics; the separation of religion and state affairs and the social religious appearance to have a balanced appearance with secularism has long been in the agenda of the world and our country. As the social aspect of religion grows, the relationship between religion and politics is becoming more controversial in the world, as well as in our country. When religious references are concentrated in public and social space, Kemalist ideology reveals various reflexes, especially in the context of the principles of secularism and modernism. In terms of the principles of Kemalist ideology, secularism emerges as secular fundamentalism; offering a different perspective in the assessment of the relationship between religion and politics in Turkey.
In order to examine Kemalism, secularism and fundamentalism, it is
primarily necessary to draw the conceptional framework of these concepts. In the study, how the Turkey practices of Kemalism were transformed to fundamentalizm is discussed within the context of secularism and fundamentalism relationship. While secularism is mostly evaluated as a part of
social life, it is described as a political concept in the point of the defense of secular regime. It is argued that the Kemalist ideology practices secularity by transforming it into a fundamentalist form.
Keywords: Fundamentalism, Kemalism, Laicism, Modernization, Secular
Fundamentalism, Secularism.

Powerful historical artefacts vitalize their potential agencies in specific historical moments and cause fractures in our perspectives. In this thesis, I argue that objects' power can be examined by looking at their supernatural, political, cultural, practical, and economic agencies. The thesis is based on a case study of looting in Turkey and archival research on nineteenth-century travelogues of Asia Minor. Rituals of looting attest to the supernatural agency. Rituals challenge the common perception of time and space. The contradictions between European travelers' approach to and the Ottoman locals' interpretations of historical artefacts signify objects' cultural agency. Locals' multitemporal framing of antiquities and travelers' perception of time as linear has resulted in an epistemic antinomy that defined the Ottoman experience of modernity from below. Such encounters in the Mediterranean conjuncture often necessitated the Ottoman state to fill in the power gap. I argue that this involvement sutured the antiquities' political agency in designing the Ottoman's modern statecraft and perception of cultural heritage. Besides these three agencies, antiquities have a practical agency that locals attached to their everyday lives. The economic agency of antiquities is relevant in the global market of the illicit antiquities trade. In the sphere of the antiquities market, the exchange value subsumes the antiquities' other agencies. Through in-depth case studies from Laodicea in Turkey to Heraklion in Crete, the thesis demonstrates how artefacts' times have undergone singularization. As their historical and social context unfolded, the shared sense of space within eclectic temporality has come to a halt. I contend that attempts to singularize the past narrow the culturally effective possibilities of conviviality between diverse social groups. The thesis argues that archaeologists, heritage scholars, and policymakers can contribute to the culturally viable and socially equitable ways to organize cultural heritage, should a holistic analysis, involving all the five types of agencies, be applied to the cases of looting of antiquities.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

Cihan Harbi Avrupa’yı karanlık bir evreye sokuyor, 19. yüzyılın refah ortamını sonlandırırken kararsızlıklarla dolu bir dönemi başlatıyordu. Türkiye insanının bu gelişmelerden etkilenmemesi düşünülemezdi. Üstelik Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi  hilafeti ve saltanatı kaldırmış, Batı’ya yönelmiş, “yeni hayat” özlemiyle yaşam tarzında köklü dönüşümlere gitmişti. Reform kaygıları, seküler yaşam özlemi, Osmanlı kültür kodlarının sorgulanışı, nesiller arası uyumsuzluklar yoksul ülkenin insanlarını her geçen gün çözümsüzlüğe yöneltmişti. 30’lu yıllarda “ideal”lerle donatılmış kendi “yeni insan”ına ulaşıncaya kadar Türkiye inkılaplarla toplumsal travmayı birlikte yaşayacaktı. Jön Türklerin İkinci Meşrutiyet yıllarına özgü sosyoloji tutkularının yerini bu kez Cumhuriyet’le birlikte psikoloji ve psikiyatri alıyordu. Durkheim’in pabucu dama atılmış, Freud’a ve Bergson’a umut bağlanmıştı. 
Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat 1908-1928 çağdaş yaşam özleminin toplumsal travmaya dönüşümünün öyküsü. Nüfus sorunu başta olmak üzere, kadının, gençliğin, çocuğun erkek Cumhuriyet döneminde karşılaştıkları sorunları ele alan Zafer Toprak uzun savaş yıllarının neden olduğu bunalımı, yoksulluğun neden olduğu fuhuşu,  intiharlarla sonuçlanan umutsuzluğu dönemin kaynaklarına başvurarak gün ışığına çıkarıyor.

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DÖRDÜNCÜ BASKI İÇİN ÖNSÖZ
Sevgili Okurlar,
Birinci baskısı üç yıl önce yapılan “Börtü Böcek İçin Doğa Dostu Öneriler ve Ev Yapımı İlaçlar” isimli kitabım, toplumun değişik kesimlerinden bu yönde arayış içinde olan kişiler tarafından büyük ilgi ile karşılanmıştır. Aradan geçen süre içinde kitapta yer alan öneri ve reçeteler ev bahçelerinde, evlerde ve geniş üretim alanlarında sorun olan etmenler için başarıyla uygulanmıştır.
Bu dönemde karşılaşılan bitki koruma sorunları gerek üreticilerle bir araya geldiğim toplantılarda sözlü olarak, gerekse farklı zamanlarda yazılı olarak tarafıma iletilmiş ve çözümler üretilmiştir. Ayrıca kişisel gözlem ve incelemelerimde edindiğim yeni bilgilerin de eklenmesine gerek duyulmuştur. Bu bilgilerle birlikte önceki baskıda verilenler de gözden geçirilerek genişletilen dördüncü baskı hazırlanmıştır.
Bu baskıda zararlı böceklerin sayısı yirmi ikiden otuza, avcı canlılarınki on beşten yirmi ikiye çıkarılmış, zararlıların yakalanmasında kullanılan tuzaklara sekiz tane yeni tuzak tipi eklenmiş, zararlıları uzaklaştıran bitkilerle ilgili yeni bir bölüme yer verilmiş, önerilen reçetelerin sayısı otuz üçten kırk ikiye çıkarılmış ve fotoğraf sayısı da iki katı oranında arttırılmıştır. Böylece, kitabın genişletilmiş dördüncü baskısı, öncekine göre önemli ölçüde zenginleştirilerek siz değerli okuyuculara sunulmuştur.
Konuyla ilgilenen ve börtü böceğe bütüncül bir bakış açısıyla bakmak isteyen herkese yararlı olması dileğiyle…
Mayıs, 2014
Bornova

KİTABIN BÖLÜMLERİ HAKKINDA
Kitabın birinci bölümünde, bahçelerde ve konutlarda sıklıkla görülebilecek bazı böcek ve diğer hayvansal canlılardan zararlı olan türlerin tanınmaları, yaşayış ve zararları ile bu türlerin yönetimini kolaylaştıracak öneriler yer almıştır. Bu bölümde yer alan zararlılardan yaprakbitleri, yaprakpireleri, beyazsinekler gibi tür çeşitliliği fazla olan canlılarda tür düzeyinde ayrıntıya girilmeyerek genel bilgi verilmiştir. Ayrıca domates güvesi, palmiye kırmızıböceği ve çam keseböceği gibi dikkati çeken zararlılar da ele alınmıştır. Zararlıların tanınmalarını ve zarar şekillerinin anlaşılırlığını kolaylaştırmak için konuyla ilgili fotoğraflara yer verilmiştir.
İkinci bölümde, yararlı canlıların tanınmaları, yaşayış ve yararlarına değinilerek, özellikle av tüketim kapasitelerine vurgu yapılmıştır. Gerek zararlı, gerekse yararlı canlıların sunulmasında olabildiğince Türkçe karşılıklar verilerek kullanılan dil sadeleştirilmeye çalışılmıştır.
Üçüncü bölümde, zararlıların ve yararlıların yakalanma yöntemleri verilerek, bu yöntemlerden zararlıların yönetiminde ne şekilde yararlanılabileceği açıklanmıştır.
Dördüncü bölümde, bazı zararlıları konukçu bitkilerinden ya da ortamdan uzaklaştıran bazı keskin kokulu bitkilerle ilgili bilgiler verilmiştir. Bu bölüm sonunda yararlıların tanınmalarını kolaylaştıran fotoğraflarla, zararlıların ve yararlıların yakalanmalarında kullanılan araçların fotoğrafları yer almıştır.
Beşinci bölümde evde hazırlanabilecek doğal ilaç reçeteleri verilerek kullanımında dikkat edilmesi gereken konular açıklanmıştır. Evde hazırlanan doğal ilaçlar genellikle birden fazla zararlıda etkili olduğundan, reçetelere numara verilerek metin içinde geçtiği yerde göndermede bulunulmuştur.
Altıncı bölümde, böcek ve diğer hayvansal canlılar dışında bitkilerde hastalık oluşturan etmenler ve yabancı otlara ilişkin bilgiler ana başlıklar halinde verilmiştir. Ayrıca bitkilerin sağlıklı yetiştirilmesi bakımından uygulanabilecek yeşil gübreleme, örtüleme, kompost oluşturma, solarizasyon gibi bazı ek bilgilere de aynı bölümde yer verilmiştir.
Kitap içinde geçen ve okuyucuya yabancı gelebileceği düşünülen bazı sözcük ve terimlerin anlamı ise Sözlük Bölümünde açıklanmıştır.

İÇİNDEKİLER
ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM
ARNAVUTLUK
1. Analysis on Existing Ottoman Heritage Buildings inside
Fortress Walls of Elbasan City
Brunilda BASHA–Zafer SAĞDIC 09
2. Arnavut Edebiyatında İslâm Dini Yansımaları ve
Söylemsellik Modelleri
Nysret KRASNİQİ-Abdulla REXHEPİ 33
3. Theofan Stilian Noli’nin Arnavut Ortodoks Kilisesi’ne
Katkıları
İlir RRUGA 49
BOSNA-HERSEK
4. Balkan İslâm’ının Beyaz Perdeye Yansıması: Yücel
Çakmaklı’nın Kanayan Yara Bosna Filmi Üzerine Felsefi
Değiniler
Rıfat ATAY-Merve KESENCİ 73
5. Boşnaklarda Arap Dili Öğretimi -Mahiyeti ve KronolojisiSeyfettin HARUNİ 93
6. Surviving Elements of "Tradition" in the Bosnian Family-A
Contribution to Understanding the Anthropology of the Family
Amel ALİĆ 117
SIRBİSTAN VE KARADAĞ
7. Balkanların Sırbistan Bölgesindeki İslâm ve İslâmî Eserlerin
Akibeti
Eyüp SALİH 1416
8. Novi Pazar’da Din Eğitiminin Özellikleri ve Biçimleri
Emina SADIKOVIĆ 159
9. Sırbistan’ın Sancak Bölgesindeki Medreseler ile Türkiye’deki
İmam-Hatip Liselerinin Eğitim Müfredatları Yönünden
Karşılaştırılması
Yakup YILMAZ-Yasin YAYLA 171
10.Ülgün Şehri ve Yakın Çevresindeki Osmanlı Dönemine Ait
Arap-Osmanlı Harfleriyle Yazılan Mezar Taşları ile İlgili Genel
Bir Değerlendirme
Ali BARDHİ 183
KIRIM VE ROMANYA
11.Cengiz Dağcı’nın Romanlarında Siyaset: Hüzün ve Acının
Bir Toplumu Oluşturması
Celal TÜRER 197
12.Romanya ve Aşağı Tuna Avrupa Bölgesinde Geçmişten
Bugüne Türk Miraslarının Canlandırma ve Koruma Mücadelesi
Gülten ABDULA NAZARE 211
DÖRDÜNCÜ BÖLÜM
KUZEY MAKEDONYA
13.Osmanlı Döneminde Makedonya’da Yetişen İlim Adamları
Hüseyin ALGÜL 235
14.Kuzey Makedonya’daki Osmanlı Medreseleri ve Üsküp
Mefail HIZLI 253
15.Üsküp Meddah Medresesi ve Kapatılmadan Önce Yetişen
Müderrisler
Süleyman BAKİ 269
16.İştip Kazası’nın Tarihi ve Etnik Yapısı (XIX. Yüzyıl)
Bilal RUSHİD 293
17.Osmanlı Döneminde Makedonya Kratova’da Eğitim
Kurumları
Hasan TELLİ 3077
18.Osmanlı Kesriye’sindeki Eğitim Kurumları: Bir İcmal
Murat ÇELİK 325
19.Makedonya’daki Müslümanlarda Ölüm ile İlgili Belli Başlı
İnanç ve Adetler
Mensur NUREDİN 351
KOSOVA
20.Sırbistan’ın Kosova’daki Arnavut Müslüman Nüfusunun
Etnik Temizlik Politikası
Fehari RAMADANI 359
21.Müslüman Engelli Gençlerde Dini İnancın Psikolojik Etkisi
(Kosova Örneği)
Feim GASHİ 377
22.Bir Hudut Kazasında Toplumsal İlişkiler ve Yönetim
Politikaları: Gilan/Gjilan ve Asayiş Sorunları
Seda ŞAHİN AHMETAJ 405
BEŞİNCİ BÖLÜM
YUNANİSTAN, BATI TRAKYA VE TRAKYA
23.Yunanistan, Dimetoka Seyit Ali Baba (Kızıl Deli Sultan)
Tekkesi ve Velâyetnamesi
Kazım SARIKAVAK 423
24.XV. Yüzyılın Ortasında Batı Trakya’da Bir Osmanlı Nahiyesi:
Ferecik
Cengiz PARLAK 433
25.İslâm’a ve Orduya Köprü: Uzunköprü
Yılmaz BÜKTEL 461
26.Balkan Muhacirlerinin Dinî-Siyasî ve Kültürel Kimliğine
Dair Bazı Tesbitlerin Tekirdağ Örneğinden Hareketle Sunumu
Cüneyt ÖZVARDARLI 4798
BULGARİSTAN
27.Osmanlı Dönemi Bulgaristan’ında Kurulan Dârulhadislere Genel Bir
Bakış
Mustafa CANLI 491
28.1189 Numaralı Hurûfât Defteri Kayıtlarına Göre Şumnu’daki
Vakıf Kurumları
Habibe KAZANCIOĞLU 505
29.Bulgaristan’da (1933-1934) Yayımlanan Medeniyet
Gazetesi’ndeki Hadis Yazıları Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme
Alparslan KARTAL 529