Acta Periodica Duellatorum
volume 6, issue 1 (2018) – DOI 10.2478/apd-2018-0001
Visualizing the Fight Book Tradition: Collected
Martial Knowledge in the Thun-Hohenstein Album
Chassica Kirchhoff
The University of Kansas
Abstract: The Thun-Hohenstein album, long-known as the Thun’sche
Skizzenbuch, is a bound collection of 112 drawings that visualize armoured figures
at rest and in combat, as well as empty armours arrayed in pieces. The collection
gathers drawings that span the period from the 1470s to around 1590. While most
of the images were executed in Augsburg during the 1540s, the album’s three
oldest drawings date to the late-fifteenth century. Two of these works, which form
a codicological interlude between the first and second quires, find parallels in the
illustrations of contemporaneous martial treatises. This article traces the pictorial
lineages of these atextual images through comparative analyses of fight books
produced in the German-speaking lands, and considers how the representational
strategies deployed in martial treatises inflected the ways that book painters and
their audiences visualized the armoured body. This exploration situates a
manuscript from which one of the drawings derives, Peter Falkner’s Art of
Knightly Defense, now in Vienna, within the Augsburg book painters’ workshops
that would later give rise to the Thun album. Finally, this study considers how the
transmission and representation of martial knowledge in late fifteenth- and early
sixteenth-century Augsburg contributed to the later depictions of armoured
bodies that populate the album.
Keywords – Thun-Hohenstein album, fight books, Fechtbuch, codicology,
manuscript studies, book painting, comparative analysis, image and memory,
collecting
I. INTRODUCTION: ECHOES OF MARTIAL KNOWLEDGE IN
THE THUN ALBUM
In a drawing executed in the style of the 1470s or 1480s, two pairs of horsemen clad in
the elegant late-gothic plate armour of the fifteenth century, charge into combat with
swords and maces raised (fig. 1). In the corner of the page, a pair of lightly dressed
wrestlers grapple, each assuming a wide-legged stance to brace himself against his rival.
In another drawing from the last decade of the fifteenth century a knight encased in
meticulously depicted armour straddles his opponent, pinning him to the ground (fig. 2).
© 2018 Chassica Kirchhoff, published by Sciendo (De Gruyter).
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License.
The vanquished man’s sword lies beneath his body, and he looks upward toward the
victor’s weapon, poised to deliver a final strike through the unfortunate man’s open visor.
Fig. 1: Unknown Artist, Study of Three Pairs of Combatants, circa 1470s-1480s, ink and
wash, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze, GK 11.572B, folio 10v-11r.
These two bellicose images belong to a group of three fifteenth-century drawings that
were inserted between the first and second quires of the Thun-Hohenstein album, likely
during its compilation in the first decades of the seventeenth century. While drawings on
paper manufactured in the 1530s or 1540s form the surrounding leaves, the style of these
three images, each drawn by a different hand, suggests that they date to the second half
of the fifteenth century.1 As the oldest works of art to be included in the Thun album,
* This study was made possible by research funding from the Renaissance Society of America and
the University of Kansas, as well as the generous assistance of Tereza Janoušková and the staff at
the Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze. I am grateful to Pierre Terjanian, Stefan Krause, and
Daniel Jaquet for their thoughts on my explorations of the Thun album’s history and meaning, as
well as to Alvaro Soler de Campo of the Real Armería, Günther Hägele of the
Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg, and the gracious staff members of the Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek and Österreichische Nationalbibliothek. Finally, I am deeply indebted to Anne D.
Hedeman and Stephen H. Goddard for their advice and editorial feedback during the development
of this study.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
4
they predate the images that surround them by up to five decades and represent fifteenthcentury pictorial and literary genres that established visual languages of the armoured
body that resonate through the album’s later drawings.
Fig. 2: Unknown Artist, Subduing an Opponent, after circa 1495, ink and wash, ThunHohenstein Album, Prague, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze, GK 11.572-B, folio 12r.
The first and third images in the album’s group of fifteenth-century drawings derive their
imagery from so-called martial manuals, commonly known as Fechtbücher (fight or fencing
books) in the German-speaking lands. This genre combined intellectual frameworks
1 Thun-Hohenstein Album (GK 11.572-B). See also, Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 328, 330;
Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 3, 471, 517. For more on these watermarks, see note three.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
5
surrounding martial skill, military science, and didactic literature. However, it remains at
the margins of current art-historical research. Fight books and literature that included
martial knowledge, such as mirrors for knights, household compendia, or masters of arms’
books, were ubiquitous in the circles that created and viewed drawings like those collected
in the Thun album. Because of this ubiquity, consideration of fight books helps to show
how the visual and textual traditions that shaped the Thun album drawings imbued their
depicted armoured bodies with meanings familiar to their audiences. Through this
resonance, the album’s fifteenth-century drawings became capable of functioning as
mnemonic prompts that could incite viewers’ recollections of martial knowledge.
Analyses of these three images demonstrate how the armoured body becomes a vehicle
for memory, a theme that unites the diverse artworks collected in the album.
Consideration of these three drawings between the album’s first two quires and their
broader codicological context within the album, alongside related contemporary artworks,
offers insights into the ways that viewers and—perhaps—the codex’s anonymous
compiler understood the drawings that make up the bound collection.
I.1. The Thun-Hohenstein Album: (Re)Introducing a Complex Bound
Collection
Despite their disappearance just before the Second World War, the two enigmatic codices
known widely as the Thun “Sketchbooks,” which I call albums in acknowledgement of
their accretive nature, remained important sources and objects of speculation for
historians of arms and armour throughout the twentieth century. Beginning in 2011, my
first forays into the history of one of these codices included analysis of photographs—
now housed in the Maximilian Museum, Augsburg—that were considered the only
vestiges of the lost volumes.2 Dr. Pierre Terjanian’s rediscovery of the codices in 20102011 made it possible for me to reintegrate the drawings within the artistic and sociocultural contexts that shaped their creation, collection, and reception. The study from
which this article derives is the first to deeply interrogate the drawings’ pictorial lineages
and their retrospective representation of particular armours. I situate the drawings and
the bound collection that they comprise within a culture of remembrance, or
Erinnerungskultur, that re-constructed Emperor Maximilian I (1459-1519) and the martial
culture that surrounded him in the imaginary of the mid- and late-sixteenth century and
that presented his successor, Charles V (1500-1558), as part of a powerful martial lineage.
Further, art-historical reflection on case studies, such as the three drawings that are the
foci of this article and the bound collection in which they take their place, significantly
expands Terjanian’s foundational assertion that the Thun album is not a transparent
record celebrating the Helmschmid family of armourers’ work for illustrious patrons.
Rather, the codex collects representations of armoured bodies and disassembled armours
that were themselves drawn from diverse graphic sources, and recombines them into
2
Augsburg, Maximilianmuseum, Grafische Sammlung file FII, Hans Stöcklein.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
6
meaningful juxtapositions that manifested the recollections or associations of the early
modern compiler.
The Thun album is a heterogenous bound collection of 112 drawings. They include thirtysix performative representations of armoured figures both at rest and in combat, as well
as seventy drawings of empty armour arrayed in pieces and eight portrayals of elaborately
armoured horses. The collection encompasses the work of at least eight draftsmen
working over a period that extends from the 1470s to the 1590s. A significant majority
(101) were drawn by Augsburg artists between the late 1530s and late 1550s. A first set
of sixty-one ink and gouache images on watermarked paper used in Augsburg during the
1540s appears to have been executed by an artist (Artist A) familiar with both armour
made for Emperors Maximilian I and Charles V and its depictions in artworks associated
with them.3 Thirty of Artist A’s drawings portray actual surviving armours crafted by the
innovative armourers of Augsburg’s Helmschmid family and many more formally echo
their work. Indeed, most of the drawings in this group retrospectively depict armours
produced from the 1480s through the 1520s, during and immediately after the lifetime of
Maximilian I. A second set of forty drawings bears many of the same watermarks, and
was likely executed in Augsburg during the 1540s and 1550s. This group contains less
precise, somewhat clumsy drawings by another anonymous artist (Artist B). Artist B’s
images seem to copy depictions of armour owned by Charles V and recorded in his
Inventario Illuminado, a sumptuously illustrated inventory of his possessions drawn up in
Augsburg between 1544 and 1558.4 The earliest of the eleven drawings not attributable
to these artists—three works dated to the last quarter of the fifteenth-century on the basis
of style and comparative analysis—are concentrated between the album’s first and second
quires. This codicological interlude is the focus of the present article.
Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 3, 471, 517. A significant majority (105 of 112) of the drawings contained
in the album appear on paper whose watermarks from the 1530s and 1540s. 33 bear Briquet
watermark 8771. It first occurred in Bavaria in 1532 and was in documented use in Augsburg from
1545-1548 and occurs throughout drawings by both Artists A and B, who executed sixty-one and
forty of the works, respectively. Terjanian posited that this may suggest that either one or both
artists used the paper when is was already bound. However, this seems unlikely given the lack of
precedents for such a process and the absence of material evidence, such as the significant
smudging of adjacent pages that would occur as an artist added new work to the album. Rather, the
codex is one of many Sammelbände, or collected volumes, that originated from early modern
Augsburg. In addition to the watermarks on works by Artists A & B, two bifolios bear marks similar
to Briquet type 9908 or 9909, which were used in Augsburg during the 1530s.
3
Inventario Illuminado, 1544-1558 (N.18a-b); Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 306-320. Terjanian
divided the 112 drawings of the Thun album into three groups, of which “A” and “B” were
comprised of sixteenth-century works created by these two main hands. Although the Inventario
Illuminado has never been published in its entirety, José A. Godoy of the Real Armería is conducting
ongoing work on a complete scholarly edition of the inventory. My research on the Thun album
included cataloging and examining the structures of both Inventario volumes, which were rebound
around 1900.
4
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
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The codices’ provenance between their compilation in early seventeenth-century
Augsburg and their entry into the baronial library of the Thun-Hohenstein family at
Schloss Tetschen (Děčín) in Bohemia during the eighteenth century remains unclear.
Alexander Freiherr von Reitzenstein suggested that drawings that inhabited the earlier
codex belonged to Leonhard IV von Harrach, Count of Ruhrau (1514-1590), the Obrist
Stallmeister, or Master of Horse and Armour, for Hapsburg lands above the river Enns.5
However, von Harrach died at least two decades before the album was compiled into its
current form, so his cannot be the “Obriststallmaistery” to which an inscription on the front
flyleaf of the album refers. Furthermore, the atextual Thun album’s thematic juxtaposition
of unrelated, temporally diverse armours, as well as its dispersal of images of the same
armour or garniture across separate quires, and its representation of armours that would
have been housed in far-flung repositories by the late-sixteenth century all preclude its
functionality as an Obrist Stallmeister’s inventory or reference book.6
The possibility that at least some of the drawings may have passed through the collection
of the Fugger family of Augsburg deserves further investigation beyond the scope of this
study. For instance, Johann (Hans) Jakob Fugger (1516-1575) was an avid historian who
commissioned expansive, illustrated histories of both his own illustrious family and the
Hapsburg dynasty. Hans Jakob Fugger’s projects shared not only stylistic characteristics
and contexts of origin with the Thun album drawings, but also the album’s
commemorative themes.7 During the second half of the sixteenth century, the Fuggers
amassed expansive collections of Augsburg-made manuscripts and artworks that
presented the armoured body as a representation of power, martial skill and knightly
identity.8 Despite these tantalizing possibilities, the specific origins of the Thun album
5
Reitzenstein, “Das Thun'sche Plattnerbuch a/2,” 93; Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 301.
Many possible Obrist Stallmeister may be found at the imperial court under Emperor Matthias
(1557-1619) or Ferdinand II (1578-1637), or even among the aristocratic masters of horse who
emerged from the Fugger family of Augsburg during the early-seventeenth century. Figures who
deserve deeper investigation include Anton Fugger the Younger (1563-1616), who served as master
of horse to the ducal house of Bavaria (whose Augsburg connections intersect with the origins and
context of use of the album’s binding paper) or, perhaps, Bruno III, Graf von Mansfeld, imperial
Obrist Stallmeister from 1615 to 1644.
6
7 For instance, Johann Jakob Fugger and Clemens Jäger, Ehrenspiegel des Hauses Österreich, 1555-59
(Munich, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek Cgm. 895-896); Johann Jakob Fugger, Das Ehrenbuch der
Fugger, circa 1560, (Munich, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek Cgm. 9460). Fabian and Bubenik, Die
Fugger im Bild, 49-54; Friedhuber, “Der ‘Fuggerische Ehrenspiegel’ als Quelle zur Geschichte
Maximilians I,” 107.
8
Confession, Court Records, Inventories, and Sales-Records of Paulus Hector Mair (Augsburg, Staats- und
Stadtarchiv, Inventar Urgichten 262, 1579-1580). For example, many of the martial manuals
commissioned and collected by the Patrician and fencing enthusiast, Paulus Hector Mair, were
acquired by “Johann Fugger” (perhaps Hans Fugger, 1531-1598) and by Marx Fugger (1529-1597)
following Mair’s execution in 1579. See also Welle, “…und mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck,” 22.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
8
drawings and their provenance during the late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries remain
mysterious.
Bookplates pasted onto both albums’ front flyleaves testify that Joannes Joseph František,
Count of Thun (1711-1788), owned the two bound collections during the eighteenthcentury, and both of the albums of armour remained in the Thun-Hohenstein library at
Schloss Tetschen after his death.9 In the Tetschner Bibliothek, the volumes were
cataloged under the Latin title Imagines Catafractorum, or Images of Armour, which still
appears on the blank parchment spine of the earlier album.10 By 1888, the codices’ images
of armours associated with Holy Roman Emperors Maximilian I and Charles V prompted
the Viennese art historian, Quirin von Leitner to publish seven images from both albums
in the journal of the imperial collections.11 In 1924, Hans Stöcklein, director of the
Bayerisches Armeemuseum, transported the codices to Munich, where he had large
portions of the earlier album photographed. The resultant black-and-white glass
negatives, annotated with terse descriptions by Stöcklein, found their way into the
collection of the Maximilian Museum in Augsburg.12 The Thun-Hohenstein family sold
Schoss Tetschen to the Czechoslovakian government in 1932; in the same year,
representatives of the count offered to sell the two codices of Augsburg armour to the
Maximilian Museum, without success.13 The volumes were last documented at the castle
in 1936, when the building was converted into military barracks. The German occupation
of the Sudetenland began in 1938, and Schloss Tetschen was captured by the German
army and recaptured again by Czechoslovak forces during the course of the Second World
War. The contents of castle’s library were presumed to have been destroyed or lost in this
tumultuous period until the codices’ reemergence following Terjanian’s discovery.
I.2. Codicological Overview
As is the case with so many martial sources, both Thun-Hohenstein albums are
deceptively humble volumes; the first album is bound in blank parchment that is riddled
9
Thun-Hohenstein Album (UPM, GK 11.572-B), flyleaf and attendant archival documents housed
with the codex.
10
Gamber, “Der Turnierharnisch zu Zeit König Maximilians I.”
Leitner, “Artistisches Quellenmaterial aus der Gräfl. Thun-Hohenstein'schen FideicommissBibliothek in Tetschen.”
11
12
Augsburg, Grafische Sammlung, file FII. My thanks to Dr. Christoph Nicht for facilitating my
access to these photographs at the outset of this project, in July 2011.
13
Letters preserved alongside the Thun-Hohenstein Albums (GK 11.572-A and B), exchanged
between representatives of the Count Thun-Hohenstein and the Maximilian Museum from MarchMay, 1932.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
9
with lacunae that may suggest reuse from an older source.14 All of its eighty-one folios,
which measure 307mm high and 220mm wide on average, were once loose sheets; these
were glued onto the tips of short leaves that comprise the volume’s nine quires. Elaborate,
double-eagle watermarks that appear on the short tips along the gutter, on the guard strips
that stabilize and extend the outer, top, and bottom edges of some pages, and on the front
and back flyleaves suggest that the codex’s current form originates from the first three
decades of the seventeenth century.15 Six drawings that span the openings of single
bifolios in the second quire were folded in half and glued to single paper tips at their
centers.16 At least two drawings—the fifteenth-century image of armoured combat on
folio 12r (see fig. 2) and a drawing of a disassembled set of armour from the last decades
of the sixteenth-century—were cut as silhouettes from their original sheets and pasted
onto paper that is congruent with the two largest groups of images.17
The first five quires of the album contain primarily armoured figures and barded horses,
while the last four quires of the album comprise mostly drawings of disassembled pieces
of armour arrayed across the page. In the first quire, the first four rectos depict four seated
portraits of princes of the house of Habsburg.18 These drawings are based on woodcuts
from Hans Burgkmair the Elder’s Genealogy of Maximilian I, created between 1509 and
1512. Because Burgkmair’s Genealogy never circulated outside of the imperial court or
Burgkmair’s immediate artistic milieu, it is likely that the draftsman, Artist A, had access
to one or both of these circles. Furthermore, these four princely portraits form a kind of
pictorial preface to the first quire’s images of figures clad in sumptuous armours for the
tournament and procession.
Other distinctive groups of images dominate the first five quires. Between the first and
second quires, an inserted bifolio forms the physical core of the group of three fifteenthcentury drawings that are the focus of the present article. Eight of the ten images that the
14
Thun-Hohenstein Album (2) (UPM GK 11.572-A) is bound in a reused parchment leaf from a
thirteenth- or early fourteenth-century polyphonal or antiphonal.
15
These watermarks are related, but not identical, to earlier Briquet types 266 and 267 (from the
1570s through the 1610s). Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 1, 33. Similar marks appear in works created in
Augsburg
during
the
1620s.
See
Piccard-Online,
<https://www.wasserzeichenonline.de/wzis/?ref=DE4860-Rep_II_29_20>
16
Thun-Hohenstein Album (UPM, GK 11.572-B), fols. 13-24. Because of the ways that three single
tips support bifolios in this part of the album, the number of folios in the second quire seems
uneven.
Thun-Hohenstein Album (UPM, GK 11.572-B), fols. 12r and 56r. All foliation uses Terjanian’s new
foliation, rather than the misleading pencil foliation likely added by Stöcklein or the somewhat
confusing sixteenth-century numbers painted in ink on the rectos of many of the leaves, which may
or may not designate binding order. See Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 302-03.
17
These portraits represent Emperors Maximilian I and Charles V, Louis, King of Hungary (150626), and Philip the Fair, Duke of Burgundy and King of Castile (1478-1506).
18
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
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second quire contains depict riderless horses in elaborate caparisons or bards, while a
significant portion of the third quire visualizes equine armours and saddles drawn from
the illuminated inventory of Charles V. Two of the remaining four images in this quire
represent mounted figures and armoured steeds. The rectos of the leaves that comprise
the album’s fourth and fifth quires depict standing figures in sumptuous, oftenrecognizable armours. Additional images of disassembled armours, many of which relate
to specific forms of tournament combat, follow these drawings. Pages populated with
disassembled sets of armour components and arrays of empty helms fill the remainder of
the codex. The album’s organization, which privileges performative and static images of
the armoured body over depictions of empty armour, suggests ways that period viewers
invested armour and its representations with meaning, as sites of both identity and
memory.
This study combines codicological examination with comparative visual analyses of
pictorial style, which consider how details of draftsmanship manifest the practices
deployed by individual book-painters, workshops, and local or regional artistic
networks.19 Such an approach reveals the album to be a rich source for the ways artists
represented martial material culture. It also suggests the meanings resident in the drawings
for viewers indoctrinated into the martial culture of the Holy Roman Empire, which, like
many systems of material and intellectual exchange, united urban and courtly audiences.
As Stefan Krause and Christof Kaindel demonstrated in their article on the transmission
of mid-fifteenth-century fight book imagery through prints by the Master E.S., close
observation of the representation of gestures or the delineation of bodily forms shows
how fight book illustrations permeated other facets of contemporary visual culture.20
As an accretive compilation of images related to both the representation of the Habsburg
dynasty and the luxury armours produced for this imperial milieu, the Thun album shares
many characteristics with bound collections produced in Augsburg during the midsixteenth century. Comparative analyses of these codices not only reveal themes that
converge in the particular intellectual culture of the imperial free city, but also offer clues
that suggest potential contexts whence the individual drawings that the album collects
originated. Furthermore, such comparison identifies the Thun album not as an enigmatic,
outlying unicum, but as a manifestation of vibrant early modern practices of
commemoration and collecting centered around martial identities.
For a conceptual discussion of the role of stylistic analysis in art-historical inquiry see Neer,
“Connoisseurship and the Stakes of Style.”
19
20
Stefan Krause and Christoph Kaindel, “Das Großen Kartenspiel des Meisters E.S.”
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II. COMPARATIVE CONNECTIONS AND INTERPRETIVE
PATHWAYS
II.1. A Martial Compendium in a Single Opening: Folios 10r and 11v
A dynamic drawing that spans a single bifolio that is affixed to a short, seventeenth
century paper tip along its central fold forms the physical and conceptual core of the
group of album’s fifteenth-century pages.21 Long considered the oldest image in the
codex, the drawing’s style is consistent with draftsmanship and printed imagery common
during the 1470s and 1480s.22 This composite image contains six figures—three pairs of
differently armed men—who engage in mounted combat or grapple on foot. While each
pair of sparring figures evokes a particular category of combat or martial sport that
appears in contemporaneous martial manuals, their amalgamation into a single
composition has no known precedent in the surviving body of fight books. Together,
these three sets of fighters visualize integral facets of martial knowledge that would have
been an important part of training for knightly, princely, and non-noble viewers alike.
The pair of wrestlers who assume wide-legged, firmly planted stances near the drawing’s
lower right corner derive from the tradition of Ringenkunst, or the art of grappling.23 While
wrestling techniques were sometimes disseminated in specialized volumes, known as
Ringerbücher, grappling was also a foundational skill for nearly all other types of combat,
whether unarmoured or encased in steel, on foot or mounted. Thus, the wrestlers who
face off in the Thun album correspond with illustrations in numerous martial manuals.
Images of grapplers from the so-called Codex Wallerstein, offer comparisons from the
1470s. Other fight books from the fifteenth century contain parallel representations of
wrestlers. These include two versions that the Fechtmeister, or fencing master, Paulus Kal
dedicated to Ludwig “the Rich,” Duke of Bavaria during the late 1460s and 1470s and
five fifteenth-century volumes connected to Hans Talhoffer. The version of Talhoffer’s
treatise that was created in Swabia for Count Eberhadt von Württemberg in 1467 (fig. 3)
contains particularly striking stylistic similarities to the Thun drawing.24 In both volumes,
the anonymous draftsman delineated the grapplers’ dynamic bodies in loose yet
confidently fluid strokes that enclose volumes articulated with subtle washes.
21
UPM GK 11.572-B, folios 10v-11r.
22
Gamber, “Der Turnierharnisch zu Zeit König Maximilians I,” 3.
23
Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 328.
24
Hans Talhoffer, Fechtbuch for Count Eberhardt of Württemberg, 1467 (Cod. icon 394a), 190r.
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12
Fig. 3 The Attack of Wrestling from the Arms (Der anfall vsz den Armen zu ringen), Hans
Talhoffer Fechtbuch for Eberhardt of Württemberg, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. icon.
394a, folio 96r.
In many of these examples from Kal and Talhoffer’s treatises, the wide-set stances of the
grapplers, who lean toward one another while each man reaches outward to keep his
opponent at arm’s length, appear at or near the beginning of the masters’ sections on
wrestling. These comparisons reveal how the Thun drawing represents a foundational
maneuver within the art of grappling. Furthermore, they underscore the drawing’s
relationship to modes of representing martial knowledge popular in Swabia and Bavaria
during the last third of the fifteenth century.
The two wrestlers not only embody the basis of martial skill in unarmed grappling; they
also visualize the fleshy vulnerability of the unarmoured body through their juxtaposition
with the mounted warriors with whom they share the page. The men wear only their shirts
and breeches, which are held up by laces that connect them to the shirts’ hems. Such
minimal clothing appears throughout the fight book genre, which envisions the
appearance of students at practice. The wrestlers’ wavy hair seems to move about with
their maneuvers, and, while one man’s face is only partially visible, his opponent wears an
expression of concentrated determination. Their facial physiognomies—with slightly
bulbous noses and wrinkles that extend from eyes narrowed in concentration—recall the
often-coarse visages that populate many illustrated fight books, especially those associated
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13
with Talhoffer, whose treatises often claimed that the master had modeled the techniques
himself.25
On the left side of the drawing, across the gutter from the wrestlers, two riders charge
toward each other with swords raised. They are lightly armoured in variations of the style
worn by light cavalry during the second half of the fifteenth century. The long-legged
swordsman who rides the dappled grey steed wears full leg armour that terminates in
elegant, pointed sabatons, or foot defenses. This steel footwear echoes the elongated
Schnabelschuhe, the long, beak-shaped shoes popular throughout the late fifteenth century.
The crease between his cuisses, or thigh guards, and the flexible, hinged faulds at the
bottom of his breastplate is protected by finely wrought triangular tassets. The
swordsman’s arms are also completely enclosed in articulated plate, and his fingered
gauntlets easily flex to grip the hilt of his upraised weapon. Beneath his helmet, he wears
a bevor to protect his chin and throat. The steel surface of this component is covered in
fabric, similar to the bevor worn by a rider, armoured in the style of the 1480s, who was
retrospectively depicted by Thun Artist A (fig. 4) during the 1540s.26
The thighs of the rider nearest the page’s right edge are not encased in steel plates like
those of his opponent; instead vertical strips of mail protect them from slashing blows
(fig. 5).27 This rider’s back turns toward the viewer, revealing the dagger that is tucked
into his belt and the finely wrought hinges of the canons that enclose his upper and lower
arms. Beneath his doublet, the horseman wears a mail shirt, and his head, like that of his
opponent, is protected by a steel war hat, a type of brimmed helmet popular during the
middle third of the fifteenth century.
25
Hans Talhoffer, Fechtbuch (MS Thott.290.2º), fol. 103v; Munich, BSB 394a, folio 136v.
26
Thun-Hohenstein Album (GK 11.572-B), fol. 8r.
27
Terjanian, “The art of the armorer,” 328.
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Fig. 4 (left): Thun Artist A, Rider armoured in the style of circa 1480 riding a horse lightly
armoured in the style of circa 1510, circa 1530-1540, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague,
Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze, GK 11.572-B, folio 8r.
Fig. 5 (right): Unknown Artist, Study of Three Pairs of Combatants (detail), circa 1470s1480s, ink and wash, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v
Praze, GK 11.572-B, folio 10v.
Like the figures who grapple on the facing page, these cavalrymen parallel the illustrations
that populate contemporaneous fight books. Once again, Talhoffer’s fight book from
1467 offers analogous content with striking stylistic parallels. Although the mounted
swordsmen who gallop across the Munich manuscript’s pages do not wear leg armour,
their clothing and war hats echo those worn by the Thun riders. Furthermore, their
grisaille forms and inky outlines recall the style of the Thun drawing. Talhoffer’s personal
manuscript, now in Copenhagen, offers additional comparative examples from the 1450s.
This volume’s illustrations of mounted grappling and of a mounted lancer and
crossbowman each visualize figures whose clothing and armour resonate with the
mounted swordsman in the Thun opening, down to the fabric-covered bevors that the
figures in each illustration sport.
The heavy horsemen in the drawing’s upper right are more tightly encased in reinforced
plate armour than the swordsmen with whom they share the opening. The riders brandish
flanged maces similar in form to both functional and ceremonial examples from the late
fifteenth century. Heavy weapons, such as maces, poleaxes, and war hammers, intended
to deliver both blunt force and piercing damage were often more effective against steel
plate armour than swords, and they therefore waxed in popularity throughout the
fifteenth-century.28 Though they developed in response to armoured combat, such arms
28
Capwell, Edge, and Warren, Masterpieces of European arms and armour in the Wallace Collection, 60.
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15
became intimately associated with knightly identity. Once again, Artist A’s courtly figure,
armed in the style of 1480 and carrying a flanged mace in procession or triumphal entry,
demonstrates this practice (see fig. 4).
Fig. 6: Unknown Artist, Study of Three Pairs of Combatants (detail), circa 1470s-1480s,
ink and wash, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze, GK
11.572-B, folio 11r.
The mace-wielding heavy cavalrymen are finely armoured (fig. 6); each wears a visored
sallet, a streamlined style of helm with a pivoting faceplate. The riders’ sabatons and
couters, or elbow plates, have been formed into attenuated points that are characteristic
of late gothic armour. The rider who charges from the left on a pale horse wears pauldrons
(shoulder defenses) with elegant, scalloped edges over his shoulders, while his opponent’s
left shoulder is further protected by a reinforcing plate that is bolted to the pauldron
beneath. The right-hand rider, whose helm is crested with a white plume, may also wear
a reinforcement over his left elbow, suggested by its large profile and prominent rivets or
bolts.29 Such additional layers of protection were concentrated on the left side, which
received the majority of blows delivered by an assailant’s right hand.
Though the left rider’s left pauldron, which would be the reinforced side, is not visible, period
readers may have read both combatants as properly equipped for mounted fights with maces, when
reinforcing plates would be very helpful for both men.
29
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Although there are no directly analogous representations of mounted, armoured combat with
maces in the extant body of fight books from the German-speaking lands, the heavily
armoured figures at the top of the opening have counterparts in martial treatises that included
sections on equestrian combat in armour.30 For instance, the Talhoffer treatise in
Copenhagen contains images of similarly armoured mounted swordsmen. However, none of
the drawings that illustrate surviving martial treatises approach the meticulous depiction of
armour that the anonymous draftsman who created the opening of the album accomplished
in his visualization of the heavily armoured riders. This observant depiction of armour in
motion likely informed Ortwin Gamber’s incorrect yet evocative attribution of the drawing
to an armourer, but this pair of mounted figures is not the only image in the album that unites
the visual language of fighting treatises with exceptionally vivid representation of the arms
and armour that comprised martial material culture.
II.2. Invoking the Fechtmeister’s Art: The Thun album and the
Kunst zu Ritterliche Were
The final fifteenth-century image included in the Thun album (see fig. 2) was trimmed
along the outlines of the figures it portrays and pasted onto the blank recto of a sixteenthcentury drawing. This drawing depicts a fully armoured swordsman pinning his armoured
opponent to the ground. He raises his weapon, poised to thrust his blade through the
helpless man’s open visor. The apparent victor in this fray has also pushed back his visor,
and gazes downward over the bevor that obscures his lower face. One of the leather
straps of his breastplate traverses his left shoulder beneath the curving tail of his sallet, a
common feature designed to protect the nape of the neck. Because he wears mail rather
than pauldrons on his shoulders, the red points, or leather laces, that tie the steel plates
of his armour onto the arming garments beneath are visible along the edge of the
rarebraces that enclose his upper arm and on the exceptionally pointed couter that encases
his elbow. The victor holds his opponent firmly to the ground with a hand encased in a
finely articulated fingered gauntlet and a foot that is protected by a pointed sabaton. He
seems to have lost one of his spurs in the struggle, and it lies on the ground to the figures’
right. Helpless, the fallen knight stares up with an expression of dread through the visor
of his strikingly archaic bassinet-style helm—a variation that recalls the so-called
“Hound’s Skull” form popular during the early- to mid-fifteenth century.31 The man’s
Although maces appear in martial manuals from the German vernacular tradition of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, they are most often used on foot in combination with long shields (or
pavises) that may have additional spikes or hooks. In these contexts, the maces—which are closer to
wooden clubs than to the flanged maces used against armoured opponents—are wielded by
unarmoured or minimally armoured fighters, who are often presented in the context of a judicial
duel.
30
It is noteworthy that the same style of helm (which also echoes forms crafted by north-Italian
armorers in the first half of the 1400s) appears in the so-called Gladiatoria manuscripts of the early
fifteenth century (see Gladiatoria, circa 1430, MS KK5013) and, later, in combination with sallet31
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17
armoured right arm is twisted awkwardly beneath his body as he lays upon the blade of a
sword that seems to have just fallen from his open right hand. His left hand, encased in
a mitten gauntlet, is barely visible as it grips his opponent’s forearm; its red lining and
brass rivets delineate his fist, though the grey steel of each man’s armour visually merges
into a single surface.
Figs. 7 (left) and 8: Unknown Augsburg book painter, Unhorsing an Opponent (left) and
Subduing an Opponent, from Peter Falkner, The Art of Knightly Defense, Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches Museum, KK 5012, fols. 72r-v.
The violent and fragmentary depiction of two figures locked in combat on Thun folio 12r
bears a striking resemblance to the final illustration of a fight book written in the 1490s
by Peter Falkner, a fencing master and captain of the illustrious guild of swordsmen, the
Marxbrüder or Brotherhood of Saint Mark (fig. 8). The Kunst zu Ritterliche Were, or The Art
of Knightly Defense, includes instructional verses and illustrations on unarmoured fencing
with a longsword and Messer (a single-edged sword), as well as foot combat with daggers,
staves, shields, and clubs.32 The treatise also describes strategies for fighting on horseback
clad figures in sections of Kal’s Fechtbuch for Ludwig of Bavaria-Landshut and in manuscripts
collected by Paulus Hector Mair. See Kal, Fechtbuch for Ludwig of Bavaria (Cgm 1507). This lends
weight to the suggestion that Kal functioned as an important model for Falkner, who—in turn—
influenced Augsburgers like Jörg Wilhalm Hutter and, ultimately, Mair.
Falkner, Kunst zu Ritterliche Were, circa 1491-1495 (KK 5012); Tobler, Captain of the Guild, 1-3. This
connection was also observed by Nicolas Baptiste prior to the Terjanian’s publication of the
32
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with polearms, lances, and swords. The final page of Falkner’s manual presents an image
of a man in gilded armour who has thrown his opponent to the ground and appears to
prepare to end his life with a sword thrust to the face. This image represents the end of
the author’s lesson on mounted combat in armour, and follows a depiction of how to
unhorse a man using grappling (fig. 7). The following explanatory text accompanies the
treatise’s last image:
“Once he has been forced out of the saddle or fallen, also get off of the
horse and bind him quickly with wrestling techniques, enclosing him
with one leg, the other (leg) on an arm, and work with a sword or
dagger so that he gives himself up.”33
This laconic explanation is inscribed across the top third of the page. As is the case in
many of the pages of Falkner’s manuscript, the struggling figures extend into the lines of
text, which break to accommodate a pommel raised aloft in a gauntleted hand. Such
collisions of word and image suggest that the illustrations were drawn prior to the addition
of Falkner’s written instructions, and, in many cases, the pictures provide additional
information that expands upon the didactic text. For instance, the illustration of the
caption quoted above specifically depicts the aggressor aiming his blade through his
victim’s open visor and into his face, rather than simply “working with a sword.” This
strategy of targeting the visor—one of the primary week points in the steel carapace of
plate armour—is explicitly described by Falkner elsewhere in the treatise, and his fighting
style persists through this last image.34
The final image in Falkner’s Art of Knightly Defense far surpasses the artistic quality of the
other 140 images in the manuscript, and its artist is distinct from the other two draftsmen
who illustrated the fight book. This artist’s style and that of his less skilled collaborators,
resembles contemporary Augsburg book illustrations. The graphic quality of the drawing,
particularly the iconic representation of facial features such as eyes and noses, echoes styles
rediscovered Thun album. See Baptiste, “L'armure et ses typologies,” 147. The Brotherhood of St.
Mark, or Marxbrüder, were founded in Frankfurt, and, in 1487, Emperor Fredrick III invested them
with the sole privilege of granting the title Master of the Longsword to teachers of the martial arts
within the Empire. Lecküchner’s Kunst des Messerfechtens influenced Falkner’s work.
Falkner, Kunst zu Ritterliche Were, circa 1491-1495 (KK 5012), fol. 72v; Tobler, Captain of the Guild,
316-317. “Ist er ab getrungen oder geffallen so fall aüch ab von dem pfertt vnd arbeit schnel in dem
ringen als du wol weist felt er uff den rück so beschlüß in mit einen bein mit dem andern uff einen
arm vnd arbeit mit der swert oder degen so ergypt er sich.” While Tobler’s transcription and
translation of Falkner’s treatise are excellent, his codicological overview of the book was impeded
by the lack of direct analysis of the object. My thanks to Dr. Katja Schmitz von Ledebur for
facilitating examination of the codex for this study.
33
Falkner, Kunst zu Ritterliche Were, circa 1491-1495 (KK 5012). For instance, on folio 56r, in the
section that details armoured fighting with daggers, and on folio 66v, which demonstrates armoured
combat with poleaxes.
34
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that developed among Augsburg Buchmaler, or book painters, in response to the demands
of the woodcut printing industry. For instance, the fighters’ large, expressive eyes with
open inner corners and their small, triangular noses parallel features that appear in book
illustrations produced during the last quarter of the fifteenth century and the first decade
of the 1500s. This style, exemplified by single-leaf woodcuts and books published by
Johannes Bämler and Anton Sorg, was developed by the cadre of Augsburg artists who
were responsible for not only illuminating manuscripts, but also designing prints and handcoloring impressions.35 The first of the two artists who illustrated the Tournament Book and
Family Chronicle of Marx Walther employed this style in his retrospective visualizations of
tournaments held between 1477 and 1485. In an opening that depicts a Shrovetide joust
between Walther and a fellow Augsburg patrician as tournament stewards dressed festively
as fools cavort alongside the lists, representations of armour and facial features bear close
resemblance to those in Falkner (fig. 9).36 The graphic, abbreviated treatment of eyes and
noses as well as the simplified yet unambiguous depiction of particular types of armour
connect both Walther’s tournament book and Falkner’s martial treatise to Augsburg book
illustrations of the same period. Both works closely echo the style of the woodcut
illustrations that accompany editions printed by Bämler and Sorg.37
In addition to the stylistic details that tie the Art of Knightly Defense to Augsburg,
watermarks that appear on its pages suggest an origin in Swabia or Tirol, and perhaps in
the imperial free city itself. The pinecone insignia of Augsburg—the Stadtpyr—marks two
of the leaves in the manuscript’s first and second quires, where it is surmounted by an
imperial crown. In two more leaves in the codex’s sixth and eighth quires, the Stadtpyr
appears uncrowned.38 Indeed, the last instance of this insignia emblazons the very page
that echoes the drawing now in the Thun album. These watermarks were used widely in
Augsburg during the 1480s and 1490s, especially in workshops associated with Bämler
and the paper mill that he founded in 1486, and again from 1513 through the 1560s.39
These watermarks offer tangible evidence that reinforces the stylistic connections
35
Krause, Hans Holbein der Ältere, 55-57; Susan Dackerman, Painted Prints, 22.
Marx Walther, Tournament Book and Family Chronicle (Cgm 1930), fol. 5v. Huber, Marx Walthers
Turnierbuch, 38-39. Huber explains the scene and its Augsburg social context in more depth.
36
See, for instance, Johannes Hartlieb, The History of Alexander the Great, 1478 (Incun. 1478. L4),
fols. 39r and 40v.
37
Falkner, Kunst zu Ritterliche Were, circa 1491-1495 (KK 5012), fols. 6 & 14 bear the crowned
Stadtpyr, similar to Briquet Type 2111, while folios 55 and 72 bear the uncrowned Stadtpyr, similar
to Briquet Type 2110. Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 1, p. 156-7.
38
Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 1, p. 156. An additional watermark that appears in the third quire of
Falkner’s Fechtbuch also marks works created between 1485 and 1500 in Hallstatt and Rattenberg,
thus corroborating the dating of Falkner’s work and its association with the southern Holy Roman
Empire.
39
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between the Art of Knightly Defense and the Augsburg contexts from which the Thun album
and the drawings it collects emerged.
Fig. 9: Unknown Augsburg book painter, Shrovetide Joust between Marx Walther and Georg
Hofmair with Parade of Stewards dressed as Fools, Tournament Book and Family Chronicle
of Marx Walther, circa 1506-1511, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 1930, fol. 5v.
The Thun drawing differs markedly from its counterpart in the specificity and quality of
its draftsmanship. The image of struggling figures offers a masterful representation of
armour-encased bodies in motion. The artist modeled the sinuous, curved surfaces of the
late-gothic style steel plates in cool shades of muted blue that echo the strategies for
depicting armour established by Augsburg book painters. The image in the album is
exceptional for its illusionistic detail. The links of mail that protect the victor’s shoulders
and peak out from beneath each figure’s breastplate and arm defense are defined by
minute lines or articulated in fine stippling. The linear repoussé that amplifies the form
of nearly every steel plate has been sculpted in shades of steel blue, white, and grey wash.
Unlike the loose, graphic style of the analogous illustration in the Vienna Falkner, the
level of finish in this drawing from the Thun album approaches the accomplishment of a
presentation drawing. Despite these stylistic differences, is conceivable that the drawing
on folio 12r of the album, now trimmed along the outlines of its figures and landscape,
was once part of a version of the text preserved in the manuscript of Falkner’s Art of
Knightly Defense. If it were indeed cut from a now-lost edition of this book, it must have
been a remarkably fine copy. The analogies between the drawing on folio 12r and
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21
Falkner’s treatise draws attention to compelling connections between the fight book genre
and the Thun album drawings’ origins in Augsburg, as well as its potential audience of
viewers interested in martial culture.
II.3. Martial Practice and Bellicose Knowledge in Word and Image
Analysis of the textual and visual traditions of fight books and of martial compendia
combined with an examination of their use by courtly and urban audiences offers an
important avenue for understanding the Thun Album in its context. Considerations of
readership trace the ways that martial knowledge was transmitted and, perhaps more
importantly, commemorated through representations of the armoured body. Analysis of
the genesis, circulation, and reception of fight books also reveals how such knowledge
became a form of cultural capital. As such, it could facilitate social mobility by
demonstrating indoctrination into chivalric society in exchanges between members of the
urban elite, the knightly aristocracy, and the imperial court.40 These exchanges mirror
those manifested the Thun album, whose contents and imagery also traverse the
boundaries between aristocratic and urban socio-economic milieux.
Despite their rich pictorial content and relationship to both prose and verse texts, late
medieval and early modern martial manuals have been overlooked in English-language
art historical scholarship.41 Military historians or arms and armour specialists, such as
Jeffrey Forgeng and Ken Mondschein, have published the few significant scholarly studies
in English that focus on this genre of manuscripts.42 German and French scholarship is
far more plentiful, and many works, such as the foundational contributions of Rainer
Leng, Hans-Peter Hils, Rainer Welle, and Jan-Dirk Müller, focus on textual analysis or
the interplay between image and text.43 However, dozens of fight books produced in the
40 Hils, Meister Johann Liechtenauers Kunst des langen Schwertes, 212-215; Forgeng, “Owning the Art,”16465.
Anglo, The Martial Arts, 2-3. Over a decade ago, Anglo lamented the dearth of art historical
scholarship on late medieval and renaissance martial manuals, which he surmised was a symptom
of the discipline’s avoidance of straightforward discussion of the details of personal violence.
However, in the years since Anglo’s publication, historians and art historians, including Carolyn
Walker Bynum, Pia Cuneo, Valentin Groebner, and Mitchell Merback, have interrogated the role of
violence and its representation in the creation and meaning of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
works of art. See, for instance, Walker Bynum, Christian Materiality; Cuneo, “Introduction,” in Artful
armies, beautiful battles; Groebner, Defaced; Merback, “Fount of Mercy, City of Blood.”
41
See, for instance, Forgeng, The Medieval Art of Swordsmanship; Mondschein, The Knightly Art of
Battle.
42
43 Hils, Meister Johann Liechtenauers Kunst des langen Schwerts; Müller, “Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung
und schriftlicher Sicherung von Tradition”; Leng, Ars belli. While each of these studies engages
deeply with late medieval or renaissance martial manuals throughout their length, none approach
the subject from an art-historical perspective, but rather seek to interpret the information contained
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22
Holy Roman Empire during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries survive intact in
European and American collections, awaiting art-historical analysis.44
Heidemarie Bodemer’s ambitious dissertation offers one notable model for the analysis
of images in late medieval and early modern martial manuals. Bodemer analyzes a cross
section of the most well-known illustrated treatises produced in the Holy Roman Empire
from the thirteenth through the eighteenth centuries, ranging from foundational works
by fifteenth-century fencing masters such as Hans Talhoffer and Paulus Kal to artistically
innovative manuscripts by artists like Albrecht Dürer and Gregor Erhart.45 However, the
author concedes that the quantity of surviving volumes and fragments of martial manuals,
as well as their tendency to be bound into collected anthologies of disparate material
scattered among libraries throughout Europe and the United States, has prohibited a
comprehensive study of the genre.46 Daniel Jaquet’s growing body of scholarship on
individual fight books, as well as the modes of communication deployed within the genre
and the patterns of exchange that link particular volumes and fighting schools to one
another, establishes important pathways to understanding this idiosyncratic genre.47
Fight books gave concrete form to an oral tradition that relied on knowledge transmitted
directly from master to student and reinforced through rigorous physical practice. Their
development represents the translation of primarily oral and performative martial practice
into image and text, and the memorable verses and illustrations that characterized the
genre participated in the broader cultural phenomenon of didactic poetry. While poets
writing mirrors for knights or princes often incorporated the same classical sources of
military knowledge employed by fencing masters, they used vividly descriptive language
in the manuscripts and how its was conveyed through text. For a signicant exception, see Welle,
“…und mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck,” especially 108-131.
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 16-20. Due to the scattered, and often fragmentary, state of extant
martial manuals, Bodemer analyzes a representative group of complete manuscripts that were
readily accessible in European public collections as case studies that demonstrate the patterns of
development which shaped the genre.
44
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 3-4. Bodemer’s exceptional dissertation has forged important
inroads into the art-historical analysis of the German martial manual tradition. Her work will,
hopefully, provide a point of departure for more focused analyses, including future studies in
English that will address this vast lacuna in the English-language history of late medieval and
Northern Renaissance art.
45
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 14. Bodemer surmises that over 300 complete martial manuals or
fragments survive from the late medieval and early modern periods. Beyond her approach involving
significant case studies, one potential means of dealing with this daunting body of work could be
found in a prosopographic approach that would treat each surviving example as a data point in
order to identify larger patterns of the transmission, patronage, reception, and afterlives of martial
manuals. See Verboven, Carlier, and Dumolyn, “A Short Manual to the Art of Prosopography,” 4546, 48-49.
46
47
See, for instance, Jaquet, “Introduction,”and “Die Kunst des Fechtens in den Fechtschul.”
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and their poems were only sometimes illustrated.48 Conversely, fight books could contain
much more succinct, even sparse text, and often relied heavily on images to convey the
author’s meaning.49 The close association between image and text in fight books was so
memorable that it would likely have inflected the reception of related images, including
those that were re-contextualized as part of the Thun album.
Fight books initially focused primarily on skills deployed in single combat with swords
without the protection of armour.50 Such treatises emphasized techniques for fighting
with German two-handed swords or a combination of the so-called hand-and-a-half (or
bastard) sword and a buckler. Often, these works presented themselves as defensive
manuals for civilians concerned about violence in the medieval city or while travelling, or
as textbooks for preparation for duels or trials by combat.51 However, the didactic value
of these volumes for readers not already indoctrinated through physical training is
suspect, since it would be difficult to accurately reconstruct complete repertoires of
combat from even the most elaborate manuscript source. Therefore, fight books must be
analyzed as mnemonic works that recalled and celebrated knowledge, aspirational works
that embodied chivalric prowess that their owners claimed or wished to acquire, or
demonstrative works that advertised their authors’ expertise, as well as manuals on how
to fight.
Fechtschule des Meister Johann Liechtenauer established the lineage of vernacular martial
manuals in the German-speaking lands. Assembled from collected notes set down by a
single writer over several years around 1389, this work became more commonly known
as the Kunst des langen schwerts, or The Art of the Long Sword.52 As Bodemer observes,
Liechtenauer was the first Fechtmeister to emerge from anonymity, but his contribution was
built upon a synthesis of fighting strategies and teaching techniques that had developed
The late-Roman military strategist, Vegetius, was a popular source cited in both didactic poems
directed to the aristocratic and knightly elite, and the martial manual genre. See, for instance,
Johannes Rothe, “Der Ritterspiegel,” 189-195. One notable example of illustrated Lehrgedicht, or
didactic poetry, is a late fifteenth-century version of Hugo von Trimburg’s Der Renner, originally
written during the early-fourteenth century. Hugo von Trimburg, Der Renner, last quarter of the
fifteenth century, (M.763).
48
49
Welle, “…und mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck,” 108-110, 114-118
The earliest extant example of such a treatise is the so-called Walpurgis Codex (MS I.33), written
in Latin and named after a woman who is represented among the fencers on its pages. See Forgeng,
The Medieval Art of Swordsmanship.
50
51 Hils, Meister Johannes Liechtenauers Kunst, 209-213; Groebner, Defaced, 40-52. Groebner’s analytical
social history of violence in late medieval Europe presents valuable case studies on the nature of
urban conflicts between powerful interest within the cities of the southern Holy Roman Empire
and the Swiss Confederation. See also Anglo, The Martial Arts, 7-11. On pages 8 and 9, Anglo points
out the perceived threat embodied by martial artists and the subsequent bans on instruction or
establishment of fencing schools throughout fourteenth-century Europe.
52
Burkart, “The Autograph of an Erudite Martial Artist,” 261-265.
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24
slowly over the course of the fourteenth century.53 Although the treatise attributed to
Liechtenauer contains only short, cryptic verses intended to accompany physical training,
his teachings became the authority to which nearly all subsequent German-language fight
books refer as a source.54 Well into the sixteenth century, fencing masters who committed
their wisdom to the page almost invariably cited Liechtenauer. For example, Paulus Kal’s
dedication of his fight book to Duke Ludwig of Bavaria-Landshut in 1479 stated: “Here
I give to you the art that Liechtenauer, along with his community, made and passed down
to all who are knightly by the grace of God.”55
As fight books proliferated, their curriculum expanded beyond unarmoured swordfighting.56 Beginning in the second quarter of the fifteenth-century, fencing books often
included combat on foot in full armour with swords and hafted weapons; mounted
combat with and without armour using a variety of weapons; wrestling or grappling; and
judicial duels between combatants of the same gender or between men and women. This
range of martial combat demonstrates the appeal of fight books across broad swaths of
the socio-economic spectrum. The pupils of fencing masters and the audiences for martial
arts treatises included university students, burghers, clergy (particularly collegiate priests,
such as canons), knights, noblemen, princes and emperors. Documented owners of
martial manuals included craftsman, such as the hat-maker and fencing master in his own
right, Jörg Wilhalm, civic official Paulus Hector Mair, and Emperor Maximilian I, whose
library at Schloss Ambras included treatises from both the German and Italian military
traditions.57 Extant fifteenth- and sixteenth-century fight books include low-quality books
Müller, “Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schriftlicher Sicherung von Tradition,” 381;
Anglo, The Martial Arts, 12, 45-46. Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 102-103; Fechtschule des Johannes
Liechtenauers (also known as Kunst des Langen Schwerts), 1389 (Germanisches National Museum inv.
3227a).
53
Müller, “Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schriftlicher Sicherung von Tradition,” 381-382;
Anglo, The Martial Arts, 40-46. Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 74-75.
54
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 124; Paulus Kal, Fechtbuch dedicated to Pfalzgraf Ludwig, before 1479
(Cgm 1507), fol. 2r. “hye gebt a ire kunst die liechtenawer mit seiner geselschafft gemacht und
gepraucht hat in aller ritterlicher wer das im got genädig sey.”
55
56 The practice of sword-fighting without the protection of armour was commonly called
Bloßfechten, or bare fighting. Bloßfechten, like grappling (Ringen) was considered a foundational aspect
of martial training, and students were expected to master it prior to learning how to fight in armour
or against armoured foes.
Jörg Wilhalm “Hütter,” drafted three versions of his own fencing manual between 1520 and 1523
(Cod. I.6.2.2, Cod. I.6.2.3, and Cod. I.6.4.5), and the book’s parallels to the works of Kal and Falkner
seem to indicate the author’s familiarity with or ownership of those masters’ works. Hütter’s works
were later purchased by Paulus Hector Mair. The library at Schloss Ambras, which was founded
upon works collected by Maximilian I at Innsbruck, included a martial compendium (Cod. 5278)
that contained Konrad Keyser’s Bellifortis and Der Blume des Kampfes, a German translation of the
North Italian Fiore dei Liberi’s Fior di Battaglia, as well as one of the oldest surviving Germanlanguage fight books. The emperor also owned an anonymous manuscript from the Gladiatoria
57
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with crude or absent illustrations, as well as manuscripts that were richly illuminated by
illustrious workshops with illustrations highlighted in metallic leaf or vivid dedicatory
miniatures.58 Among the surviving examples are drafts and personal copies of influential
fencing masters, such as Hans Talhoffer and Jörg Wilhalm, as well as fragments or
excerpts of treatises that, like the drawings in the Thun album, have been incorporated
into collected anthologies, or compendia, whose contents span disciplines ranging from
alchemy, chemistry, and pyrotechnics to commemorative histories of tournaments to
astrology and even magic.
II.4. Pictorial and Literary Mnemonic Strategies in Martial Treatises
Late-medieval and renaissance masters of arms used fight books to establish the
usefulness of their discipline. These volumes employed rhetorical strategies purported to
help readers commit their wisdom to memory, and that aided in the recollection of martial
knowledge. The impact of these rhetorical forms was amplified by the illustrations that
populated martial treatises, which prompted viewers to envision themselves performing
the techniques promoted by fencing masters.
As the fight book genre gained momentum, the verses, or zedel, passed down through the
Liechtenauer tradition were glossed with prose explanations to facilitate their function as
instructive texts, as well as auxiliary mnemonic prompts. For example, surviving versions
of a treatise written in around 1430, known as “Gladiotoria,” after an inscription in the
beginning of one of the manuscripts, include expanded descriptions of numbered
movements based on Liechtenauer’s system.59 These codices juxtapose straightforward
verbal instructions for where to place feet, hands, and sword to accomplish particular
maneuvers with elegant, demonstrative illustrations. Folio 11v of the earlier manuscript,
KK 5013, narrates the motions visualized in figure 10, which represents the second of
two maneuvers known as the “Way of the Joints”:
Note the second part pf the way of the joints. When both thrust at each
other with all of their strength and you want to execute this strike
against him, then thrust at him yet again from the outside of his sword
with the point towards him, bring the pommel over the outside of his
left arm and pull strongly towards yourself. Thus, you will break his
arm and throw him, as you see it painted above.60
group (KK 5013). Thomas and Gamber, Katalog der Leibrüstkammer, vol. 1, 66; Bodemer, “Das
Fechtbuch,” 121-123.
58
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 109-110,
Thomas and Gamber, Katalog der Leibrüstkammer, 66; Hagedorn and Walczak, Gladiatoria, 60;
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 119-121.
59
Hagedorn and Walczak, Gladiatoria, 226. In the edited and glossed facsimile of the New Haven
version of the Gladiatoria (formerly in Gotha), Hagedorn and Walczak transcribe the Vienna
60
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Fig. 10: The “Way of the Joints,” Gladiatoria, circa 1430, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches
Museum, KK 5013, fol. 11v.
That last phrase, “as you see it painted above,” is a refrain, repeated on nearly every page
throughout the Gladiatoria codices. Importantly, these manuscripts not only demonstrate
textual expansion of the zedel, but also the increasing emphasis on images of combatants,
which were once illustrative accompaniments to the Fechtmeisters’ verses, as important
sites of knowledge that participated in dialogue with the text and expanded upon the
meanings that it conveyed to the reader/viewer.61
manuscript passage on this maneuver to stand-in for the lost text portion of folio 7v of the New
Haven version. The fifteenth century German script in KK 5013, fol. 11v reads: “Merck daz ander
stuck der straß der glider wann ein aber den auf den andern stech/und aber daz stuckh treiben wil,
so stich im aber außerhalb der swertz und da im/ durch mit deine knopf innerhalb seiner beyder
hände, und greiff im mit dem knopf/ außerhalb uber sein linken arm und vast an dich So brikst Im
den arm oder wirfest In als du es oben gemalet siechst.“
61 Müller, “Zwischen mündlicher Anweisung und schriftlicher Sicherung von Tradition,” 382-83.
Welle, “…und mit der rechten faust ein mordstuck,” 108-109.
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Fight book imagery built upon themes of teacher-student dialogue that characterized the
genre’s verses and prose, as well as its origins in the personal exchanges of the fencing
school.62 Depictions of particular maneuvers or stances visualized the teacher who,
although absent in body, could prompt recollection of physical knowledge through his
pictorial presence. Hans Talhoffer’s fighting manual, which first appeared in 1443 and
appeared in numerous iterations over subsequent decades, offers a vivid example of the
fight book as a surrogate for the fencing master. The version of his treatise created in
1459, which has been interpreted as his personal copy, declares, “This book is Master
Hans Talhoffer’s and he has himself modeled with his maneuvers so that the book has
been painted after him.”63 This inscription defines the images that surround it as proxies
for Talhoffer’s own expert presence, which illustrations that visualize the master himself
tangibly evoke (fig. 11).64 The textual testament to the fighting manual as a surrogate for
the master’s personal instruction finds a visual complement in the dedicatory miniature
of Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch for Ludwig of Bavaria-Landshut, which depicts the master,
clothed lightly as if for fencing practice, presenting his armoured patron with a sword (fig.
12). The Madonna, Christ Child, and Saint George bear witness from a floating cloud as
Kal declares, “Take this sword, gracious lord, and you will be protected by the Mother of
God and the Knight of all Knights, Saint George.”65
62
Krause and Kaindel, “Das Große Kartenspiel,” 7.
Talhoffer, Fechtbuch, 1459 (MS Thott.290.2o), 103v. “Item daz buch ist maister Hansen Talhoffers
und der ist selber gestanden mit sinem lybe bis daz man daz buch nach im gemalet hat, und das ist
gemalet worden off pfingsten.” The entire inscription suggests the the illustrations were drawn
during one day of demonstrative modeling, an unlikely claim given the quality of the images.
63
It is interesting to note that Talhofer wears a badge with the winged lion of the Marxbrüder in
the portrait that appears on fol. 101v of the Copenhagen manuscript.
64
65 Kal, “Fechtbuch dedicated to Pfalzgraf Ludwig,” circa 1470 (Cgm 1506), 5r. “Nemt hin genediger
Herr das schwert ir wert von der muter gots und riter sand iorgñ aller riterschafft gewert.”
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Fig. 11(left): Hans Talhofer, wearing the badge of the Marxbrüder, and a student, 1459,
Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Thott.290.2o, fol. 101v.
Fig. 12: Dedicatory Miniature, Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch for Ludwig of Bavaria, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek, Cgm. 1507, fol. 5r.
As fight books relied increasingly on pictorial communication, the indoctrinated viewer
would have been called upon to “textualize” the minimally captioned or completely
unannotated images. Like the laconic verses so often deployed in the genre, the
illustrations of martial manuals functioned as mnemonic prompts that could induce
viewers to recall not only the verbal rhymes associated with them, but entire repertoires
of movement and strategy. Thus, the glimpses of armoured and unarmoured combat that
appear in the Thun album’s fifteenth-century drawings could have stimulated viewers’
recollection of the actions that constituted particular fighting traditions, the verses that
helped commit them to memory, and the absent masters who taught them.
To demonstrate this possibility, Paulus Kal’s fight book made in 1479 for Ludwig of
Bavaria-Landshut exemplifies the primacy of images over texts typical of many late
fifteenth-century martial manuals.66 The manuscript is sumptuously illustrated, and the
sensitivity with which the book painter rendered contemporary armour has led some
scholars to compare its images with the fifteenth-century drawings in the Thun album.67
An illustration in the book’s first section, which contains instructions for mounted
combat, represents two figures striking either underhand or overhand blows (fig. 13). The
movements are labeled curtly as “The Third Strike,” and “The Fourth Strike,” presumably
in reference to the system of numbered strokes used by Leichtenauer and his successors
66 Hans Lecküchner, Kunst des Messerfechtens, 1478 (MS. Cod. Pal. Germ. 430). The version of
Lecküchener’s Kunst des Messerfechtens, now in Heidelberg, is an important exception to the trend.
Bodemer, “Das Fechtbuch,” 130-131. Based on Gamber’s research on the then-lost Thun album,
which he concluded contained models or patterns for artists or armourers associated with the
Helmschmids, Bodemer connected the style of the Kal Fechtbuch to the fifteenth-century Thun
drawings.
67
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to introduce the basics of swordplay. In contrast to the page’s minimal text, the two
figures and their steeds are fully visualized, and do indeed bear striking parallels to the
mounted pairs who spar in the opening of the Thun album. The figure on the left sweeps
his sword toward his opponent in the underhanded “Third Stroke”, his upturned wrist
exposing the red lining of his armoured gauntlet; the right-hand figure, whose war hat
and dappled mount recall his counterpart in the Thun album, deflects his opponent’s
blow with a firm, over-handed strike. While the text barely alludes to these skillful
movements, the images dramatically enact them on the page, and prompt the viewer to
do so in his mind.
Fig. 13: The Third and Fourth Strikes, Paulus Kal’s Fechtbuch for Ludwig of Bavaria,
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm. 1507, fol. 13r
III. CONTEXTUALIZING THE THUN ALBUM’S ARTISTIC
CULTURE & CODICOLOGY
III.1. “Ritterliche Kunst”: Transmission and Innovation in Augsburg
Martial Manual Imagery
The fight book tradition that encompassed the works of Talhoffer, Kal, and Falkner, and
which transmitted their influence, was deeply familiar to the Augsburg artistic circles that
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produced the 106 mid-sixteenth century drawings that fill most of the Thun album.
Examination of martial manuals and related works that were produced during the first
half of the 1500s reveals how fight books shaped the ways that Augsburg artists
envisioned the armoured body. Furthermore, such consideration suggests the ways that
the genre’s reliance on depictions of armoured figures inflected viewers’ engagement with
the drawings that the album contains, encouraging them to see the drawings as sites of
meaning and memory.
The collections and publications of Paulus Hector Mair, a city councilman, author,
collector and ill-fated fencing enthusiast, demonstrate the popularity of martial manuals
in sixteenth century Augsburg. Inventories of Mair’s property were compiled during the
liquidation of his possessions following his execution in 1579. These documents describe
a range of artworks, texts, and weapons that intersect conceptually with the drawings that
comprise the Thun album.68 At the time of his death, Mair possessed around twenty-five
books related to chivalry, tournaments, and martial knowledge; this number is imprecise
because the inventory ceases to count the numerous “gefangennen Fechtbücher,” or collected
fight books, that included seven works now held at the Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg.69
Fourteen fight books and martial compendia that Mair collected or commissioned
survive.70 These codices have often been rearranged and rebound to combine fifteenthcentury works by fencing masters working in the tradition of Liechtenauer with related,
sixteenth-century treatises by the Augsburg hatter Jörg Wilhalm. One example among
Mair’s Sammelbände, or collected volumes, includes the ordinances and history of the
Marxbrüder, the martial guild to which Talhoffer belonged and which Peter Falkner led
from 1502 until 1506.71 Indeed, the insignia of the Marxbrüder appears in Talhoffer’s
treatise from 1459 and it was pasted onto a blank folio in Falkner’s Kunst zu Ritterliche
Were. Two codices from the 1520s that are attributed to Jörg Wilhalm—the first of which
is a nearly atextual draft copy of the drawings that are accompanied by fuller text in the
more complete second manuscript—visualize figures whose armour, costumes, and
Confession, Court Records, Inventories, and Sales-Records of Paulus Hector Mair, November
1579-May 1580 (Augsburg, Stadtarchiv, Urgichten K262, 1579-80).
68
An additional compilation of fighting treatises held in Augsburg (Codex I.6.4º.3) may have
belonged to Mair, but it lacks the tangible evidence, including inscriptions in Mair’s hand, that
appears in other codices from his collection. For more on Mair’s work as a collector, author, and
martial enthusiast, see Mauer, “Sammeln und Lesen - Drucken und Schreiben,” 107-132, Kusudo,
“P.H. Mair (1515-1579),” 337-354, and Forgeng, “The Martial Arts Treatise,” 267-283.
69
Martial treatises and compendia that are associated with Mair include Augsburg
Universitätsbibliothelk Cod. I.6.2.1, Cod. I.6.2.3, Cod. I.6.2.5, Cod. I.6.2.2, Cod. I.6.4.1, Cod. I.6.4.5,
and Cod. I.6.2.4; in Vienna: Mair, De Arte Athletica, 1545-1555 (Cod. 10825 and 10826); in Munich:
Mair, De Arte Athletica, 1545-1555; in Dresden: Mair, De Arte Athletica (MSS Dresden C 93 and C
94).
70
71 Mair (compiler), Augsburger Fechtordnung, Frankfurter Fechtbruderschaft, Johannes Liechtenauer: Kunst des
langen Schwerts, circa 1540s (Cod. I.6.2.5), fols. 9v-10v.
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gestures closely emulate the early fifteenth-century images that illustrate the Gladiatoria
group of fight books (fig. 14).72 These works not only attest to the pathways by which
fifteenth-century martial treatises and their images were collected and compiled in
sixteenth-century Augsburg. They also reveal how sixteenth-century authors and artists
consciously emulated their visual and rhetorical styles, creating early modern images that
displayed strikingly anachronistic representations of the late-medieval armoured body.
Perhaps most tantalizingly for the study of the Thun album, sixteenth-century fight books
and their fifteenth-century antecedents directly influenced the modes of representing
arms and armour that appear in the album, while also demonstrating how even depictions
of armoured bodies unaccompanied by text could prompt remembrance of martial
practices.
Fig. 14 (left): The First Strike, Jörg Wilhalm, Fechtbuch, circa 1522, Universitätsbibliothek
Augsburg, Cod. I.6.2.3. fol. 2r.
Fig. 15: Jörg Breu the Younger, Overhanded Strikes, Sammelband (Augsburger Fechtordnung,
Frankfurter Fechtbruderschaft, Johannes Liechtenauer: Kunst des langen Schwerts),
Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg, Cod. I.6.2.5, fol. 23r.
Eight of the martial works that Mair organized and commissioned were illustrated during
the 1540s by Jörg Breu the Younger or during the 1550s by members of his workshop,
shortly after the master’s death in 1547.73 Rough illustrations that Breu created for a
fencing treatise that Mair bound alongside the ordinances of the Marxbrüder and for
another diverse compilation of martial knowledge from around the same period (fig. 15)
demonstrate how the artist and his workshop incorporated the visual strategies employed
by earlier fight books. The second of these examples, known simply as a Ring- und
Jörg Wilhalm, Draft Fechtbuch, circa 1520 (Cod. I.6.4.5) and Jörg Wilhalm, Fechtbuch, circa 1522
(Cod. I.6.2.3)
72
These include three versions of the two-volume opus, De Arte Athletica, Cod. 10825/26; Cod.
icon 393a-b; Ms. Dresden C 93 and C 94; Cods. I.5.2.5, I.6.2.2, I.6.2.4. Mair also commissioned the
Geschlechterbuch der Stadt Augsburg (Cod. icon 312b), a hand-colored, printed volume, from the Breu
workshop and he may have owned at least two copies of Ritterspiele von Friedrich III und Max in den
Jahren 1489-1511 (Cod. icon. 398 and Cod. I.6.4.1).
73
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Fechtbuch, not only includes Breu’s characteristic images of fencers and grapplers clad in
elaborately puffed and slashed sixteenth-century fashions. It also contains mid-sixteenth
century illustrations that adopt the style of the fourteenth century; in doing so, these
images acknowledge the perceived authority of late medieval martial traditions. Folios 14
and 15 depict combat with sword and buckler (fig. 16). Although illustrated by Jörg Breu
the Younger during the 1540s, their content and style evoke far older works, such as the
so-called Walpurgis Manuscript, Royal Armouries I.33.74 The costume and facial
physiognomies of Breu’s figures echo those in this rare early fencing treatise, and suggest
that Breu may have had access to a manual of similar date from Mair’s or another
Augsburg collection.
Fig. 16: Jörg Breu the Younger, Sword and Buckler, Paulus Hector Mair, Sammelband
(Ring– und Fechtbuch), Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg, Cod. I.6.2.4, fol. 14r.
In addition to the sketches and illustrations that Breu contributed to Mair’s bound
collections, the artist and his workshop also devised innovative strategies for representing
armoured bodies and the arms they wielded. Mair’s expansive treatise on the histories and
strategies of combat for the battlefield, tournament, and duel, the Opus Amplissimum de
Arte Athletica exists in four iterations in German and Latin. Two of these versions, now
in Munich and Vienna, each comprise two volumes and over 600 folios. Mair sold the
earlier of these versions of De Arte Athletica, which presents the German vernacular fight
book tradition entirely in Latin, to Duke Ludwig of Bavaria in 1567 for the substantial
Paulus Hector Mair and Jörg Breu the Younger, Sammelband, circa 1540s (Cod. I.6.4.2), fols. 14
and 15; Walpurgis Fechtbuch, circa 1420s (MS I. 33), fol. 23v; Kirchhoff, “Armors’ Afterlives.” While
this interpretation arose independently based on first-hand analysis of the manuscript in Augsburg,
Jeffrey Forgeng’s research, published in 2003 and 2017 both predates and firmly corroborates this
point. See Forgeng, “The Medieval Art of Swordsmanship,” 12-13, and “The Martial Arts Treatise,”
281-283.
74
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sum of 800 Gulden.75 This work, almost entirely illustrated by Breu the Younger himself,
uses layers of metallic washes to evoke the iridescent surfaces of blued steel armour and
weapons. The sections on mounted combat in armour, in particular, use veils of metallic
wash to vividly approximate the plate armour for which Augsburg was famous (fig. 17).
Their shimmering, closely observed visualizations of the armoured body parallel the
roughly contemporary sixteenth-century drawings that the Thun album collects.
However, Breu the Younger’s heavy layers of opaque pigments beneath the metallic
washes differ markedly from the translucent application of pigments employed by both
of the artists whose works comprise 101 of the album’s 112 images.
Fig. 17: Jörg Breu the Younger, The Joust of War in Armets, from Paulus Hector Mair, De
Arte Athletica, Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek, Cod. icon. 393.b, folios 106v-107r
The Vienna version of Opus Amplissimum de Arte Athletica was likely created around or just
after 1547, and it juxtaposes Latin and Early New High German translations of the
Germanic fight book and tournament book traditions, along with purported
transcriptions of earlier sources on the tournament that date to the Carolingian and
Ottonian eras.76 This two-volume work incorporates illustrations by several now-
75 Mair, De Arte Athletica, (Cod. icon. 393a-b). This two-volume, 622-page work exclusively
comprises paper marked with a Latin K (Briquet type 8257 or 8258) used in Swabia from the mid1530s through the mid-1540s. This predates the period of use for the papers that occur in the
Vienna version of De Arte Athletica (Briquet type 145), which were used predominantly during the
late 1540s (especially 1546-47). C. M. Briquet, Les filigranes, vol. 1, 27 and vol. 3, 466. The
manuscripts passed directly from the Bavarian ducal library into the Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek.
Mair, De Arte Athletica, circa 1545-1555 (Cod. 10825), fol. 4v, for instance, describes tournaments
in the reign of Henry the Fowler (876-936) (Henricus primus, eue nobis Romanora Imperator, ei
eutiderat gloria Germanora); Mair, De Arte Athletica, circa 1545-1555 (Cod. 10826), fols. 157r-173v
76
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anonymous book painters of the Breu workshop, each of whom also made vivid use of
metallic washes to sculpt the armours, weapons, and costumes that he depicted. Images
by artists who illustrated the sections on armoured combat on foot that populate the last
sections of the second volume bear particularly tantalizing similarities to the sixteenthcentury drawings that fill the Thun album (fig. 18). These works, like the sixteenth-century
drawings by the anonymous Artist A that the album collects, build the forms of armoured
bodies from confidently loose lines that are drawn in black ink, which provide armatures
for layers of translucent gouache, highlighted with veils of metallic wash.
Fig. 18: Workshop of Jörg Breu the Younger, De Arte Athletica vol. II, circa 1542, Vienna,
Österreichisches Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 10826 Han, fol. 208r.
Comparative analysis of fight books created from the mid-fifteenth through midsixteenth centuries reveals compositional and stylistic relationships that tangibly tie the
Thun album’s contents to the fight book genre, and to the fifteenth-century drawings in
the interlude between the first and second quires (see figs. 1 and 2). The album’s echoes
of fight books that were produced in the German speaking lands, resonate even more
strongly with fight books that emerged from the city of Augsburg. The artistic lineages—
from the printshops of Sorg and Bämler to the Breu workshops—that contributed to the
contain descriptions of tournaments held between the ninth and fifteenth-centuries, culminating
with the well-documented Tournament of the Four Lands.
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character of Augsburg martial manuals like the Art of Knightly Defense and De Arte Athletica,
suggest the connections that period viewers may have made between the album’s
fifteenth-century interlude and the sixteenth-century drawings in the quires that surround
it.
III.2. Incorporated Antecedents: Visions of Martial Knowledge within the
Album’s Codicology
To modern viewers, the two drawings that derive from the fight book tradition (see figs.
1-2) may seem isolated from the Thun album’s sixteenth-century contents by their
insertion as a distinct unit separated from the first quire by the blank page that has been
glued onto the recto of folio 10, before the fifteenth-century opening. This expanse of
blank paper creates a visual pause between the last figure of the first quire, who is clad in
armour that dates to the period between 1515 and 1520 (fig. 20), and the older drawings
that follow. Indeed, this figure’s equipment—field armour fitted with reinforcing pieces
for a grueling type of melée-style tournament that emulated the chaos of the battlefield—
seems to anticipate the bellicosity of fifteenth-century images just beyond the blank facing
page. This connection suggests how the fifteenth-century drawings were carefully placed
adjacent to images that intersect with their themes.
The three folios that support the fifteenth-century drawings cling to a single, short tip of
early-seventeenth-century paper that is contiguous with the tips used to anchor the
drawings in the album’s second quire (fig. 19). Thus, folio 12, whose recto forms the
surface to which the fragmentary drawing of fifteenth-century swordsmen is pasted,
constitutes both the last of the inserted drawings and the first leaf of quire two.
Fig. 19: View of the interlude of pages between the album’s first and second quires, all glued
onto the same short tip that forms folio 12, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague,
Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v Praze, GK 11.572-B, folio 10-12.
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The paper of folio 12 dates to the 1540s and its verso bears a drawing by Artist A that
retrospectively portrays a combatant in the tournament on foot, or Fußkampf, equipped
in the style of the late-fifteenth century (fig. 21). He wears archaic mail chausses, or hose,
along with a sallet in the style of the 1480s.77 This figure grasps a poleaxe, a particular type
of staff weapon wielded primarily by armoured members of the knightly classes. In his
right hand, he holds a rondel dagger, whose disc-shaped pommel and diamond-shaped
blade were designed for use against armoured opponents. The version of armoured
combat on foot that this figure embodies suggests parallels with the fighters whose
silhouettes are glued onto the page’s recto, which the album’s compiler and viewer may
have perceived.
Fig. 20 (left): Artist A, Thun Hohenstein Album, folio 9v, Armour for the Freiturnier (Free
Tournament) of 1515-20, 1540s.
Fig. 21: Artist A, Thun-Hohenstein album, folio 12v, figure armoured in the style of 1495for
the tournament on foot, 1540s.
Between the opening of folios 10v and 11r, with its six pairs of fight-book-inspired
fighters, and the meticulous depiction of armoured combatants on folio 12r, a third
fifteenth-century image (fig. 22) depicts three standing soldiers clad in stylized versions
of elegant late gothic field armour. This drawing has been glued to folio 11r, formed by
the verso of the preceding opening. Brown gall ink articulates the soldiers’ gracefully
swaying figures and strikingly expressive faces. Grisaille washes evoke the volumes of
77 For a discussion of the mail chausses represented in this image, published prior to the rediscovery
and dating of the Thun album, La Rocca, “Notes on the Mail Chausse,” 79-80.
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their armoured bodies. Along the page’s trimmed left edge, a man leans away from the
picture plane; his back turns toward the viewer and exposes the back sides of his
pauldrons as they cascade over the raised, linear decoration of his backplate. This soldier
extends his preternaturally long leg, revealing the hinges that close his cuisses and greaves,
as well as the protective wings of his poleyns, or knee cops. A visored sallet protects his
head, and a bevor covers his chin. This figure, whose back is turned to the viewer, leans
on a spear as he grasps a barely visible sword in his left hand, carelessly resting its point
on the ground. He seems to be in conversation with the image’s central figure, whose
sallet has no visor, but is crowned with a tall plume. The man holds a lance from which a
banner flutters, but his gauntleted hand seems to grasp only air; the lance, apparently
added after the rest of the drawing was composed, dissolves into transparency as its shaft
meets the more substantial figure.
Fig. 22: Unknown Artists, Thun-Hohenstein Album, Prague, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum v
Praze, GK 11.572-B, folios 11v and 12r
The central soldier’s frontal pose offers a glimpse of his eyes and nose above the bevor
that covers his chin and throat, but that seems strangely unattached to his breastplate.
Similarly, his body armour is both stylized and illusionistic. The lance-rest bolted to his
right side and the buckled straps that close his cuisses and greaves around his thighs and
calves were clearly inspired by the details of real late fifteenth-century armours. However,
the jagged forms that adorn the surfaces of his protective plates fall short of evoking the
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decorative punch work and finely formed edges of the articulated steel lames, or
overlapping sheets, that made large pieces of plate armour flexible.
The drawing’s right edge has also been trimmed, and the corner of the right-hand figure’s
elbow creeps across the gutter and onto the surface of the facing page, folio 12r. The
soldier on the right wears a brimmed war hat, similar to those worn by the light
cavalrymen who charge across the preceding opening; cross-hatched marks traverse the
brim, perhaps intended to evoke the chased, etched, or painted decoration that often
adorned helms during the period. The man nonchalantly holds a crossbow over his right
shoulder and smiles beneath the brim of his helmet. The bowman’s body armour is
elaborate. The edge of his plackart, the reinforcing plate that covers the belly of the
breastplate, is delineated by a fleur de lys. He wears besagews—steel roundels that
reinforced the pauldrons or protected the armpits when worn with spaulders, or smaller
shoulder plates—whose floral, cusped form was popular among armourers north of the
Alps throughout the late fifteenth century.
This trio of armoured soldiers, with their various weapons, parallel the groups of
armoured soldiers and men-at-arms who made up fifteenth-century armies. For instance,
the ordinances of the Burgundian army under Duke Charles the Bold expressly describe
the centrality of armoured, lance-wielding heavy cavalry; indeed, each nine- or ten-man
unit was called a “lance,” after the heavily armoured knight or man-at-arms who fulfilled
this leadership role. In the Burgundian configuration, the lancer was supported by one or
two armoured pages or servants, three mounted archers, a crossbowman, a handgunner,
and a pikeman.78 Indeed, the animated style of the three soldiers who populate folio 11r
of the Thun album echoes the individual figures who form far denser arrays in a series of
engraved images of Burgundian companies by Master WA.
Although they appear jovial, the trio of soldiers evokes the pitched battlefield beyond the
practice rounds of the fencing school or the circumscribed arenas of the judicial duel.
Thus, they suggest the most bellicose deployment of the martial knowledge contained in
the fight books that inflect the images that surround them. Together with the two other
fifteenth-century drawings that comprise the codicological interlude between the album’s
first and second quires, this inserted image unites the album’s later depictions of the
armoured body with pictorial antecedents. Furthermore, this set of images draw attention
to the bellicose material culture and martial exploits in which the represented armours
that fill the album participated. In this way, the fifteenth-century interlude suggests the
anonymous compiler’s horizons of knowledge to which the album’s collected depictions
of empty armours and armoured bodies belong.
78
Vale, War and Chivalry, 122-124; Marti et al., Splendour of the Burgundian Court, 322-23.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
39
IV. CONCLUSION
The pictorial connections that tie the Thun album’s fifteenth-century drawings to the
fight book tradition highlight the ways that the visual languages of martial treatises
operated well beyond the realm of the Fechtbuch. As fight books themselves invested
images with didactic meaning and mnemonic power that prompted viewers to recall
systems of movement and strategy, imagery derived from the genre could evoke the
martial knowledge that its forms originally conveyed. Art historical consideration of fight
book imagery not only exposes the ways that book painters established pictorial strategies
for constructing meaning and prompting remembrance of skill. Through works like the
Art of Knightly Defense and the many volumes collected or commissioned by Paulus Hector
Mair, the fight book tradition also encouraged Augsburg artists from the 1490s through
the sixteenth century to develop innovative approaches to representing the armoured
body and the material culture of the battle, the duel, the tournament, and the fencing
school. These artistic innovations point to the significance of fight books as not only
sources for historians of the martial arts, but also sites of pictorial invention and stylistic
transmission. They are illustrated not with transparent reflections of real fighters’
maneuvers, but with highly constructed representations of both gestures and ideas that
could operate independently even when unmoored from their textual contexts.
Identification of the original contexts or antecedents of the earliest Thun drawings
exposes aspects of the album’s unknown compiler’s body of source material, which, in
turn, hints at what associations he was seeking to evoke in constructing the collection.
The album’s juxtaposition of fifteenth-century fight book imagery alongside the trio of
soldiers and the later drawings that fill the album invites appreciation of the ties that
bound the Augsburg book industry to martial literature and encourages consideration of
the connections between the armours on the surrounding pages and their contexts of use.
The mnemonic potential of fight book imagery binds the fifteenth-century drawings to
the broader commemorative themes that emerge from the album’s structure, which are
themselves rooted in bellicose identities cultivated at the Habsburg court and in the
imperial city of Augsburg.
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Acta Periodica Duellatorum 6(1), 2018
40
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