Yugoslavia

Горан Давидовић, Милош Тимотијевић, Затамњена прошлост : историја равногораца чачанског краја. Књ. 3, Агонија и слом : ратне 1944. и 1945. године (Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив ; Краљево : Народни музеј, 2004 (Чачак : Графика Јуреш). - 462, [32] стр. с таблама ; 24 cm

Тираж 500. - Стр. 311-312: Рецензија / Коста Николић, Бојан Димитријевић. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Summary: Darkened Past. The history of the Ravna Gora movement in the Čačak region. Book 3, Agony and breakdown of war 1944 and 1945- Библиографија: стр. 304-310. - Регистар.

ISBN 86-80609-29-3 (брош.)
94(497.11)"1944/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 118526220

Tijelo kao film | Body as Film | Body and Sexuality in Short Feature Film; Retrospective at Croatian Film Days 2015 curated by Željko Luketić. Featuring works from Ante Babaja, Miroslav Mikuljan, Mišo Budisavljević, Neven Korda, Tomislav Gotovac, Dasen Štambuk, etc.

When Yugoslavia was invaded by Nazi Germany and its allies in April 1941, what followed was as much a Yugoslav civil war as a war of occupation and liberation. Several hundred-thousand civilians were killed by other Yugoslavs in large-scale massacres or concentration camps, and the horrific events left the country ruined and deeply divided.
USABLE HISTORY? examines the way in which the history of Yugoslavia's internal problematic past was presented and used politically, and asks how a society can cope with such an "unmasterable" history. How did Yugoslav historians and politicians represent and explain this history and how did these representations interact with the cultural developments, political demands and societal needs? By investigating political documents, histioriography and popular representations of history such as films, songs and literature, the book reveals a disturbing narrative of historical (mis)interpretation and (mis)use.

review of Branislav Jakovljevic, Alienation Effects: Performance and Self-Management in Yugoslavia, 1945–91. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016, and Armin Medosch, New Tendencies: Art at the Threshold of the Information Revolution (1961–1978). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2016.

The book focuses on the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation and wars that followed viewed through the comic art in the local and international press. War propaganda and political discourse are examined and placed in the larger historical context of this conflict. The study reveals that Yugoslav cartoonists anticipated, as early as 1984, the disintegration of the country and were forecasting armed conflict in 1989. Using print media and comic art as a primary source of investigation, the author has presented the mental representation of the war as seen in press cartoons, both chronologically and thematically. A representative sampling of some 400 cartoons (out of a database of almost 7’500) and dozens of interviews undertaken with political cartoonists in the 1990s are quoted in the book as a primary source.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

Bu kitap, eski Yugoslavya cumhuriyetlerinden akademisyenlerin yazdıkları makalelerden oluşmaktadır. Hırvatistan’dan Zdenko Radelić, Miroslav Akmadža, Davor Marijan, Vladimir Geiger, Mario Jareb ve Nikica Barić; Slovenya’dan Zdenko Čepič, Bojan Balkovec ve Jure Gašparič; Karadağ’dan Boban Batrićević; Bosna Hersek’ten Husnija Kamberović; Kuzey Makedonya’dan Petar Todorov ve Sırbistan’dan Ljubinka Trgovčević-Mitrović, Ivana Dobrivojević-Tomić, Slobodan Selinić, Milivoj Bešlin, Vladan Jovanović, Zoran Janjetović, Srđan Barišić, Aleksandar R. Miletić ve Dragomir Bondžić 1918-1991 yılları arasındaki Yugoslavya tarihini kendi yorumlarıyla anlattılar.

Године 1933. иницирана је обнова родне куће Вука Караџића у Тршићу. Паралелно са том иницијативом је предложена изградња Дома културе Вук Караџић у Лозници који би служио као центар културних и еманципаторских активности овог места. Околности под којима је дом подизан представљају веома добру студију случаја културне политике у време Краљевине Југославије. С друге стране, архитектура Дома културе се истиче у амбијенту својим модернистичким декоратитивизмом, што захтева подробнију анализу. На основу веома специфичног пројектантског рукописа, Дом културе се до сада приписивао архитекти Фрањи Урбану. Међутим, како Дом културе у Лозници до сада није био предмет подробнијег истраживања, овај рад би имао за циљ да покуша да на основу доступне архивске грађе у Архиву Југославије и Архиву у Шапцу коначно потврди Урбаново ауторство, као и ближе околности под којим је овај значајан пример међуратне архитектуре Лознице подигнут.

This dissertation will examine the military intervention conducted by NATO in Kosovo in 1999.  By examining the pre-existing situation, the justifications given, the methods used, and the results of the intervention, it will be determined whether the characterization of this event as a “humanitarian intervention” is accurate.  In the first chapter, the literature on Kosovo, human rights, and humanitarian intervention is examined to assess the current state of the debate on the Kosovo intervention.  Following this introduction is a chapter on the idea of human rights.  This begins with a brief history of human rights, then assesses the standing of human rights in international law and international relations and the ways in which they apply to the Kosovo intervention.  The concept of humanitarian intervention is examined in the next chapter, including a short survey of its history in the post-World War II period, an examination of different definitions of the term, and a determination of what criteria were (or should be) applied in order to evaluate whether or not an intervention qualifies as “humanitarian”.  The fourth chapter is a case study of the intervention in Kosovo in the spring and summer of 1999, applying the ideas of human rights and humanitarian intervention to the course of events before, during, and after the NATO bombing campaign.  This chapter includes a brief historical background to the conflict, then moves on to an analysis of the motives, behaviour, and interests of the intervening parties, and an assessment of the outcome of the intervention.  The final section of this chapter is the conclusion, which summarizes the findings of this thesis and evaluates their significance in both academic and practical terms.

From the history of the Polish translations of Croatian literature. The fourth chapter of the book "Croatica. Croatian literature and culture in Poland between 1944 and 1989" about the second part of the whole period. The Words in the title "The Yugoslav bomb" used Jerzy Putrament, prominent writer in PRL, to describe the political situation after the Cominform Resolution of June 28, 1948; Jerzy Putrament: Pół wieku. Zagranica. Warszawa 1965.

Abstract. The paper examines the existence, intensity and the direction of the relationship between the confessional belonging, the degree of subjective religiosity and inter-ethnic distance two years before the violent breakup of the former Yugoslavia. Empirical foundation of the research is the data base of the Consortium of Yugoslav social sciences' institutes from 1989-1990.
The main finding of the paper is that the ethnic distance between the members of three most numerous confessions in the Balkans, Orthodox, Catholic and Islamic, that is between the members of respective nationalities, Serbs, Croats and Muslims, was notable two years before the outbreak of the war. Even when the Catholic and Orthodox respondents verbally denied the significance of the spouse's national belonging in two fifths of the cases, and the respondents belonging to all confessions negated the importance of the work colleague's national belonging in somewhat lesser percentage, they themselves were rarely in mixed marriages and have only scarcely preferred the members of some other nationality for the work place colleague.
Respondents Yugoslavs, who in the three fifths of the cases asserted not having an confession, proved to be the most open toward all other nationalities and were the most popular as spouses and work colleagues, immediately after the members of locally majority nation and confession. Albanians, who identified themselves as members of Islamic confession in more than 90% of the cases, were the most closed toward members of other nationalities and confessions and were the least preferred among others.
Two additional facts testify to the significant degree of uncertainty and mistrust among the members of three confessions two years before the war. First, members of all three confessions have in more than two fifths of the cases partially and completely agreed that safety was possible only in the milieu in which live the majority of the members of one's own nation. Second, alongside with almost three fifths of the three main confessions' members, more than two fifths of those without confession accepted the statement that cooperation can exist between nations, but never the full trust, as well.
The rule is noticed, along with several significant and indicative deviations, that respondents reporting that they were convinced believers or that they believed but not in everything that their faith taught, belonging mostly to working layers, attached greater significance to national belonging of the spouse and of the work colleague in one fifth of the cases more often than the respondents that reported that they were indifferent toward religion, that they were not religious or that they were against religion, preponderantly members of middle and upper social layers. The difference in the attitudes of respondents that reported opposite degrees of their religiosity, however, proved to be much smaller (only around ten percentages) when it was the question of the safety and trust between members of different nationalities. The social sources of widely diffused lack of confidence, violent breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the formation of mutually unfriendly independent national states, should therefore be searched for not only in religious contents, but also in the real living situation of believers and not believers alike.
In the paper is examined in detail the noticed phenomenon of significant differences existing in the degree of subjective religiosity and the attitudes of the members of the same confession, depending on their status of local majority or minority in respective republic or province.

Od poslijeratne obnove i nacionalizacije, preko stambenog prava u okviru “samoupravnog” tržišnog socijalizma do ponovne “privilegirane” privatizacije, veći se gradovi u Hrvatskoj još uvijek bore s problemom nedostatnog i nedostupnog stambenog fonda. Unatoč prepuštanju stambene politike tržišnim mehanizmima, pitanje “krova nad glavom” nije izgubilo svoj politički značaj.

Ever-increasingly, countries, states and regions are voicing a desire to be autonomous through a process of balkanization. This book explores the historical emergence, interdisciplinary application and current socio-spatial reasons why more places are seeking self-governance around the world. The spatialization of balkanization is particularly addressed in terms of destruction and renewal through a detailed socio-political interrogation of architecture and the urban, including their changing symbolic and functional forms.

U.S. military forces are increasingly involved in a variety of multinational peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance missions. How well combat-trained units and soldiers adapt to these new roles will determine U.S. success in such operations, as well as the future health and readiness of the force. In preparing soldiers for such missions, it is critical that leaders and health care providers have a clear understanding of the nature of the stressors they are likely to encounter. This report summarizes findings from a longitudinal, descriptive case study of a U.S. Army medical unit performing a peacekeeping mission in the former Yugoslavia. The goal of the investigation was to identify key sources of stress and to delineate the effect of these stressors on the health, morale, and mental readiness of soldiers. Findings suggest a range of psychological stressors that varies somewhat across operational phases of a peacekeeping mission. Furthermore, the degree of stress experienced in va...

Svaki ideološki projekt ima svoj vokabular i svoje temeljne metafore jer se upravo u jeziku, i preko jezika, posreduje svjetonazor. Kanonske vizije svih ideologija dobivaju na taj način svoju reprezentaciju koja im omogućava afirmaciju nekog svjetonazorski uvjetovanog uvjerenja. U ovom prilogu želim pokazati kako se u romanima o Drugome svjetskom ratu prikazuju put i putovanje protagonista, napose partizana, kroz prostor i kroz vrijeme. Smatram da je uvjerenje o ispravnom putovanju prema zadanom cilju alegorija dogmatske vjere u komunizam, da se lutanje može alegorijski interpretirati kao sumnja, a gubitak puta kao potpuna ili djelomična negacija te vjere. Moglo bi se reći da te tri kon-cepcije puta i putovanja alegorijski oslikavaju odnos prema revoluciji. Prva izražava spoznajni optimizam, druga skepsu, a treća iznevjerene ideale i katastrofizam. Prvo je karakteristično za ranu fazu komunizma (plemenski kolektivizam), drugo za polemičku (kritički kolektivizam), a treće za dekadentnu (individualizam). Propitat ću razvojni tijek metafore putovanja u romanima s ratnom tematikom, od čvrstog ostvarenja te ideje preko lutanja sve do bespuća i gubitka puta, da bih pokazao kako se to poklapa s političkim propitivanjima komunističkih dogmi.

The essay presents several ideas regarding the management of the «Adriatic Question» in the period following World War II, focusing particular attention on the strategies of the political centre-left, of «Moroteism» and of «border Catholicism» aimed at getting beyond the legacy of the conflict and achieving a normalisation of Italo-Yugoslav relations after the return of Trieste to Italy in 1954. The analysis reconstructs the conciliatory path of two bordering states, formerly divided by a heated national, political and ideological rivalry. Drawing a parallel between the choices made centrally and those made locally, the work furthermore examines the connection between Aldo Moro’s Ostpolitik and the line taken by Trieste’s Christian Democrats, both of which aimed to put an end to controversy on the eastern front – the «Adriatic normalisation», following the «defence of Italianness» – in a situation characterised by a lowering of tensions between the blocks, by the reorganisation of international Communism and by the multilateralism of the Helsinki Conference. The aim of this paper is therefore to shed light upon how and with what consequences Moro’s «Peace in the Security» and Triestine Moroteism’s «bridge border» strategy – leading principle of the Giulian Christian Democrats throughout the Sixties and Seventies – established on the one hand a relationship of collaboration with Tito’s Yugoslavia (culminating in the Treaty of Osimo in 1975) and on the other designed a new political, economic and national function for the eccentric region of Venezia Giulia, whose sovereignty had been long contested and had been severely penalised in the wake of the second world war.   
The paper will be based on new documentation from: Archivio Democrazia cristiana di Trieste, Fondo segreteria Democrazia cristiana nazionale, Fondo Giulio Andreotti, Fondo Aldo Moro, Fondo Sergio Coloni, Christian Democrats newspapers.

This article seeks to bring the often-invisible labor of interpreters and language assistants at the International Criminal Court and the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia into sharper focus. I highlight the far-reaching and extensive tasks of language workers, paying particular attention to their efforts to negotiate and mediate witnesses’ accounts of atrocity, including sexualized violence, inside and outside international courtrooms. In doing so, I illustrate how language work is central to the life of an international court and the vision of international criminal accountability. I argue that attention to the dynamics of language work provides opportunities to consider the project of international criminal justice in new and important ways, focusing on its practical work, its social encounters and its complex engagement with relations of difference.

ABSTRACT
Despite their differences in age, professional career and political background, Milošević and Putin share similar views on one of the main consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the USSR: the involuntary dispersal of Serbs and Russians into different foreign states. This is a study of the segments of Milošević’s and Putin’s speeches referring to Kosovo and to Crimea respectively. The study analyses their rhetorical devices and thematic content, using the analytical framework and instruments for the analysis of nationalist discourses developed by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. The speeches, it is argued here, share a topos of sacralisation of the (contested) land based on the ancestors’ holy or glorious deeds which proclaims the land to be sacred to the chosen nation. This creates a ‘national entitlement’ to the land in a depoliticised (‘sacred’) and highly personalised setting.

The aim of this paper is to review and point out the demographic situation and processes happening in Lika Region (Republic of Croatia) today, as well as to describe the changes in the population structure with particular emphasis on changes in the ethnic structure of the population that have occurred over the past two decades. For centuries, Lika has been inhabited by the population of dual religious structure with different socio-cultural and linguistic characteristics. The area where the diverse population of Lika's variety lives today is characterized by clear and steady depopulation, changed population structure (age, ethnicity) and changed adiministative and territorial organization. Jovan Cvijić in his Balkan Peninsula and the South Slavic Countries in this group (Lika's variety) places the population living " between the Velebit mountain on the west and Kapela and Plješevica on the east ". This is the area of today's southwestern Croatia, consisting of two towns (Gospić, Otočac) and eight municipalities (Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Lovinac, Perušić, Plitvice Lakes, Udbina, Vrhovine), belonging to two counties (Lika–Senj, Zadar).

This article examines the case for viewing the conflicts that took place in Yugoslavia between 1991 and 1999 through Huntington’s civilisational paradigm, whereby conflict is the inevitable result of the existence of “cleft states” such as Yugoslavia, which lay on the fault line of Western, Orthodox and Islamic civilisations and was therefore predisposed to civilisational conflict. This article argues instead that divisions in Yugoslavia were national, rather than civilisational and fomented by a wider, more nuanced range of factors which are not taken into account by Huntington.